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Reflects on the continuing evolution of the international system toward a third phase of capitalism that might achieve greater world unity & equality than in the 19th century. The historical growth of capitalism separated nation-states into a center & periphery. In the post-WWII period, capitalism entered a new phase in which production became disconnected from local contexts & capital became immune from national policies. It is unclear how the international system will evolve, but three types of relationships will structure the near future: center-periphery states, East-West, & between Western nations. Progressive forces should work toward a polycentric internationalism that seeks to link the nation-states of the international system on the basis of their level of development. D. M. Smith

"Vor dem Hintergrund der kooperationstheoretischen fundierten Diskussion um internationale Regime entwickelt der Artikel ein Konzept von 'Regieren' im internationalen System. Innerhalb bestimmter Grenzen vermögen Normen das Verhalten rationaler Nutzenmaximierer zu beeinflussen und können deshalb für die gezielte Verhaltensbeeinflussung zur Realisierung bestehender Kooperationsmöglichkeiten eingesetzt werden. Sie stellen aber erst dann geeignete Lenkungsinstrumente dar, wenn sie unabhängig von dem zu beeinflussenden Verhalten gebildet werden können. Dazu bedarf eine an Kooperation interessierte Gruppe von Akteuren der kollektiven Entscheidungsfähigkeit. Die Interaktion muß auf eine neue Ebene verlagert werden, auf der kommuniziert und nicht gehandelt wird. Die Bildung gemeinsamer normativer Erwartungen im Rahmen von Verhandlungen, einer besonders geeigneten Form der Kommunikation, wird damit zum Kern des Regierens." (Autorenreferat)

Die These von der Gegenmacht als Freiheitsbedingung gilt auch in der Staatenwelt, im Internationalen System, was - insbesondere in Deutschland - häufig verkannt wird. Den "checks and balances" in den Staaten entspricht die "balance of power" zwischen ihnen. Auch die europäische Integration ist durchgängig von der Idee der "balance of power" bestimmt. Das integrative Gleichgewicht ist ihr konstitutives Prinzip. Die innereuropäische Balance, das integrative Gleichgewicht, dient dazu, die Hegemonie eines Staates, vor allem Deutschlands, zu verhindern und zugleich Europa zu einem Gleichgewichtsfaktor im internationalen System zu machen. Der vorliegende Beitrag zeigt, dass an die Stelle dieser "balance of power" und des Gegensatzes zwischen westlicher "Wertegemeinschaft" und "sozialistischer Staatengemeinschaft" die Rede von der "internationale Staatengemeinschaft" getreten ist. Die "Ideologie" der "internationalen Staatengemeinschaft" verdeckt für den Autor die zentrale Frage, wie - nach dem Ende der Bipolarität - die Staatenwelt so zu strukturieren ist, dass die Freiheit und Sicherheit der einzelnen Staaten gewährleistet oder doch ermöglicht werden kann. Nur als eigenständige, kooperative Gleichgewichtsmacht kann die EU einen konstruktiven Beitrag für einen effektiven Multilateralismus (wie er in der Europäischen Sicherheitsstrategie formuliert ist) leisten und die Entwicklung einer multipolaren, pluralistischen Weltordnung fördern. (ICA2)

Der Beitrag befasst sich mit der Frage, ob und wie die Covid-19-Pandemie die Machtverteilung im internationalen System beeinflusst hat, mit besonderem Augenmerk auf Chinas globales Engagement in dieser Hinsicht. Machtverteilung und -ausübung im internationalen System, so ist das Argument der vorliegenden Analyse, zeichnet sich vor allem im Rahmen der Bereitstellung globaler Kollektivgüter. Wer diese kontrolliert, kontrolliert die Ordnung und damit die Hierarchie innerhalb eines Systems. Wer die Kontrolle verliert, riskiert Verdrängung. Die Analyse zeigt, dass die Weichen für einen Übergang vom Westen zum Nichtwesten schon bereitstehen - ob China die Chance allerdings langfristig nutzen kann, bleibt abzusehen.

The international political system is currently undergoing changes that are both rapid and extensive. Especially since the early sixties, a number of trends have manifested themselves and become interrelated in such a way that, taken together, they are substantially altering the fundamental postwar patterns of international politics. These indications of change and flux have engendered a substantial debate concerning appropriate concepts for the analysis of the international system.

Oil Companies in the International System (1978) provides an original and wide-ranging examination of the impact that the leading oil companies have had on international relations. It looks at the interplay between the oil companies and the governments of both the industrialised and oil-producing countries.

Der politischen Klugheit, so der Verfasser, kommt in den Analysen von Christian Hacke besondere Bedeutsamkeit zu. Sie bildet sich aus historischer Erfahrung, vermittelt durch die politischen, historischen und strategischen Wissenschaften und übertragen auf die jeweils gegenwärtige Situation. Sie bedeutet historisch angeleitetes Urteilsvermögen und einen über die Gegenwart hinaus gerichteten Blick auf die Staatsraison. Sie liegt den strategischen Planungen zugrunde, wie diese in ihr auch den jeweils konkreten historischen Ausdruck finden, der nicht nur den angestrebten, sondern auch den in der jeweiligen Umwelt politisch möglichen und dementsprechend angemessenen Standort eines Staates beschreibt. Die Schlussfolgerung, dass es außerhalb der menschlichen Handlungsmöglichkeiten liegt, der "Unsicherheit der Geschichte" zu entgehen und "sich eine dauerhaft sein Glück befriedigende Gesellschaftsverfassung" zu geben, gilt für die außenpolitischen Herausforderungen ganz besonders, seit Transnationalisierungs- und Globalisierungsprozesse die Gesellschaften in einem hohen Maß miteinander verbunden haben. Von den Folgen dieser Prozesse und der parallel durch Internationalisierungsmaßnahmen angestrebten Kontrolle der international handlungsfähigen Staaten bleiben auch diejenigen Gesellschaften nicht verschont, in denen meinungsprägend die Ansicht vorzufinden ist, sich durch einen postpolitischen Diskurs den Wirkungen der Politik entziehen zu können. (ICF2)

The main objective of this study is to investigate the relation and interaction between terrorism (as one face of politically motivated violence) and the international political system, as well as the causative link between these two. For this end, after investigating how terrorism and the international system generally are related to each other, the impact of system level long-term transformations in the post-Cold War era on the nature of terrorism will be assessed.Every academic/scientific study covering the issues of terror and terrorism, first of all, has to deal with the problem(s) of definition, and has to formulate its own definition of terrorism. Although this process is not an easy one-due to some theoretical and practical difficulties-definition of terrorism can be formulated as "a kind of mechanism for political control".In order to adequately and accurately assess the impact of terror and terrorism on the international system, determining the relative positioning of terror and terrorism within the system, and exhibiting its interaction with the international system seem to be a necessity.This circumstance is clearly manifest in the post-Cold War era. When carefully analyzed, the changes that have been witnessed in the nature of terrorism, and those have been attributed to actor level transformations strengthened by conjectural military-political changes, turns out to be a reflection of an adaptation process to a series of gradual and long-term transformations within the "structure" of the international system.The military, political, economic, and diplomatic developments in the aftermath of terror attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon on September 11, 2001, constitutes an integral part of this transformation and adaptation process and consequently they should be evaluated within the context of theses transformations.Bu çalışmanın temel amacı, politik amaçlı şiddet olgusunun bir görünümü olan terörizmin uluslararası siyasi sistemle olan ilişkisini, etkileşimini ve ikisi arasındaki nedensellik bağlarını incelemektir. Bu amaçla öncelikle terörizmin uluslararası sistemle olan ilişkisi genel olarak incelendikten sonra Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde, sistemsel düzeyde uzun dönemli dönüşümlerin terörizmin doğası üzerindeki etkisi ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır.Terör ve terörizm olguları ile ilgilenen her akademik/bilimsel çalışma öncelikle terörizmin tanımı sorunu ile ilgilenmek ve kendi terörizm tanımını ortaya koymak zorundadır. Bu işlem teorik ve pratik bazı sorunlar nedeniyle kolay bir süreç olmasa da, terörizmin tanımı bir çeşit siyasi kontrol mekanizması olarak yapılabilir.Terörün ve terörizmin sistem üzerindeki etkisinin doğru ve yeterli bir değerlendirmesinin yapılabilmesi için, terörün ve terörizmin sistem içindeki konumlarının belirlenmesi, ve de uluslararası sistemle olan etkileşimlerinin ortaya konulması gereklidir.Bu durum Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde, kendisini açıkça ortaya koymaktadır. 90'lı yıllarda terörizmin doğasında görülen ve terörizm çalışmaları literatüründe, genel olarak, dönemsel askeri-politik değişimlerce desteklenen aktör seviyesindeki dönüşümlere atfedilen değişimin, daha derinlemesine analiz edildiğinde, uluslararası sistemin "yapısında" meydana gelen uzun dönemli ve tedrici bir dizi dönüşüme uyum sağlama sürecinin bir yansıması olduğu görülmektedir.11 Eylül 2001 tarihinde Dünya Ticaret Merkezi ve Pentagona yönelik terör saldırıları sonrasındaki askeri, siyasi, ekonomik, ve diplomatik gelişmeler bu dönüşüm ve uyum sürecinin bir parçasını oluşturmaktadır ve dolayısıyla sonuçları yine bu dönüşüm süreci çerçevesinde değerlendirilmelidir.

ABSTRACTThe theory of consociational democracy has emphasized the internal conditions under which elites in "segmented pluralist" countries may choose such a strategy. This article suggests a distinction between genetic and sustaining conditions of this type of conflict management and, with the aid of this distinction, seeks to analyze the complex relationships between the internal structure of consociational democracies and their position in the international system. Consociationalism serves as a strategy for the settlement of international conflict (and may be imposed from outside) or for the preservation of national integrity in a situation of international conflict. On the other hand a reduction of foreign policy loads may contribute to the stabilization of consociational democracy; this may explain why most consociational democracies are small countries.

When we speak of an international system, we start with the presumption that there is something habitual and regular about the behavior of the nations that constitute it. Unfortunately, the concept of an international system has had a singularly hollow ring in the works of many scholars who have employed the term. It is frequently compared to an incredibly complicated watch or thermostat, or alternatively it is defined so abstractly that it would appear to have no specific empirical referents—and therefore practically everything in one way or another would qualify as a "system."The abstract and shadowy significance of the concept in international relations studies has retarded its usefulness for exploring the regularities that underlie the interactions of nations. More than ever before, however, the actions of nations have multiple reverberations on each other and can be ascribed meaning only within the context of the relations of many nations with each other. Because the configuration of inter-nation relations has become increasingly complex, it has become more and more difficult to trace out these relations and determine what structure, if any, there is in the "system."We shall see later that any definition of a system is arbitrary to the extent that its inclusion and exclusion rules are arbitrary. If we can specify the simplifying assumptions which create this arbitrariness, however, then the problematic cases included or excluded in a system or component subsystems can usually be identified and explained. This approach seems preferable to positing systems criteria that are either ambiguous or non-operational, enriching the vocabulary but not the analysis.