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This paper briefly introduces the concepts of the public space by H. Arendt and J. Habermas, compares them and presents an analysis of the problems concerning the transformation of the public space. In this work, I try to demonstrate that a confrontation between the civic body and the state thatappears in the context of the transformation of the public space is not completely grounded. The public sphere, which connects these two areas, is not autonomous. For the main points, I choose the theories of the two authors – Hannah Arendt and Jürgen Habermas. In the work, I discuss the similarities and differences of these theories as well as their conceptual interactions.

THE AUTHOR EXAMINES THE EXTRAORDINARY WAVE OF RACIST AGITATION AGAINST FOREIGN IMMIGRANTS THAT HAS EMERGED IN GERMANY, CREATING DILEMMAS FOR BONN'S POLICY MAKERS. THE CRISIS REVEALS THAT GERMANY CANNOT YET CONGRATULATE ITSELF ON HAVING FINALLY SETTLED ACCOUNTS WITH NAZISM. LIKE OTHER WESTERN DEMOCRATICES, GERMANY NOW FINDS ITS PRECARIOUS TRADITIONS OF CIVIC TOLERANCE THREATENED BY WELFARE CHAUVINISM AND A KEEN SENSE THAT THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH MENACE THE PRIVILEGES OF THE METROPOLIS. NEVERTHELESS, THERE IS EVIDENCE OF REBORN DEMOCRATIC AND REPUBLICAN CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS OF GERMAN CITIZENS WHO HAVE TAKEN TO THE STREETS TO PROTEST THE WAVE OF RACIAL ATTACKS.

Reviews 6 types of explanation for the revolutions of 1989--Stalinist, Leninist, reform-communist, postmodern, anti-communist and liberal. Argues that East German intellectuals may well face the situation that the Western Left has been in for decades--that of transforming socialist ideas into a radically reformist self-criticism of capitalist society. (SJK)

J. Habermas's theory of modern society has been extremely influent on the theoretical and political spheres of the last thirty years. Habermas seeked to develop a philosophical foundation of modern democratic society. Nonetheless, his conception of modern society as composed by two levels, lifeworld and systems, has been questioned for its incoherence with the democratic foundations of his social theory. The present article intends to criticise this dimension of Habermas's theory of society. It discusses the epistemological bases of his distinction between lifeworld and systems, and shows its philosophical problems as well as political implications. ; La teoría de la sociedad moderna de J. Habermas ha sido enormemente influyente en los planos teórico y político en los últimos treinta años. Habermas pretendió realizar una fundamentación filosófica de la sociedad democrática moderna. En cambio, su concepción de la sociedad moderna como estructurada en dos niveles, mundo de la vida y sistemas, ha sido cuestionada por su incoherencia con los fundamentos democráticos de su teoría social. El presente artículo realiza una aportación a la crítica de esta dimensión de la teoría de la sociedad de Habermas. Discute las bases epistemológicas de su distinción entre mundo de la vida y sistemas, mostrando sus déficit filosóficos y sus problemáticas implicaciones políticas.

The political and philosophical ideas of Habermas concerningn deliberative policy as a specific concept cof the political process in the framework of modern society are analyzed ; Проанализированы политико-философские идеи Ю. Хабермаса по обоснованию идеи делиберативнои политики как специфической концепции по реализации политического процесса в рамках современного общества ; Проаналізовано політико-філософські ідеї Ю. Габермаса щодо обгрунтування ідеї деліберативної політики як специфічної концепції стосовно реалізації політичного процесу у рамках сучасного суспільства

This article attempts a creative extension of S. Bodrunov's concept of noonomy through drawing in the most important ideas of A. Honneth and J. Habermas, third and second-generation leaders respectively of the Frankfurt school. The purpose of this theoretical synthesis is to supplement Bodrunov's theory, which provides a detailed account of the changes to the productive system and which from them, deduces profound transformations in other areas of public life. The article sets out to do this through social and philosophical elaborations that primarily analyse changes in the normative and institutional setting (A. Honneth) and in the political field (J. Habermas). Although S. Bodrunov also recognises and analyses these changes, approaches that proceed from other bases in defining the future social structure are nevertheless able to complement this analysis.

Jürgen Habermas' recent work is focused on the relationship between reason and faith in what he suggest that we should name post-secular society. Habermas argues that traditional religions such as Christianity can have semantic contents very useful to uphold a moral motivation in order to contrast the instrumental reason of the globalized markets. I will try to show that these recent developments of Habermas' theories risk to conflict with some elements of his previous approach. As a consequence, I suggest that we carefully look to the critiques that the catholic theologian J. B. Metz made to Habermas' previous approach. In fact, I argue that Metz's proposal of a "New Political Theology", which is characterized by the concept of anamnestic reason, shows how to overcome, or complete, some limits of the first formulation of the theory of communicative rationality. Nevertheless, Habermas' recent openness on these topics, even if problematic with his previous approach, stimulates to rethink on the relationship between reason and faith, religion and democracy.