Suchergebnisse

Tanggal 17 Desember 2010 seorang pedagang kaki lima Muhammad Bouazizi (26 tahun) pergi ke tempat dia biasa bekerja di pusat kota Tunisia untuk menjual buah-buahan dan sayur-sayuran demi untuk menghidupi keluarganya dan membiayai kuliah adik perempuannya. Namun dia mendapati bahwa dia tidak diijinkan berdagang dan dagangannya disita. Untuk mendapatkan kembali barang dagangannya dia harus membayar denda, suatu peristiwa yang sudah pernah dia alami sebelumnya. Ketika dia mau membayar denda kepada seorang polisi wanita, justru dia mengalami pelecehan berupa pemukulan dan diludahi wajahnya sambil diperolok-olok keluarganya. Tidak terima dengan perlakuan ini, Bouazizi komplain ke pejabat setingkat provisnsi, namun permintaan audiensi tidak ditanggapi. Kecewa dengan perlakuan tersebut, diluar dugaan dia membakar dirinya sebagai bentuk protes atas ketidakadilan ini (Tocqueville, 2011). Peristiwa bakar diri yang dilakukan oleh seorang pedagang ini kemudian memicu gelombang protes rakyat Tunisia kepada penguasa tiran di negeri itu. Perekonomian Tunisia yang semakin merosot mengakibatkan meningkatnya pengangguran dan kemiskinan. Pada saat yang bersamaan Presiden Ben Ali dan kroni-kroninya hidup dalam kemewahan. Hal ini yang memicu kebencian rakyat Tunisia sehingga demonstrasi berlangsung terus menerus sampai akhirnya memaksa rezim Ben Ali yang sudah berkuasa selama 33 tahun lengser pada 14 Januari 2011

Australia's 2013 Defence White Paper contains statement that represents Indonesia's deterministic position in the context of its strategic decision making. This statement forms the foundation upon which Australia's perception of Indonesia as its geographical neighbour is erected. Following the above statement, normatively Australia's foreign policy would then position Indonesia accordingly, which is as an important actor. Nonetheless, Australian government's response on the 2013 case of tapping allegation directed towards President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyone proved otherwise, that Indonesia was not positioned accordingly as an important actor in Australia's foreign policy. Australian government's response casted impressions that they were not being cooperative and as corollary raised the argument that Australia's action did not represent both its identity and its interest as written in its Defense White Paper, which is to maintain a strategic position in the region together with Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, China, and United States of America. This paper explored that argument by assessing the convergence between Australia's normative perceptions towards Indonesia as a determinant actor in its foreign policy, with the articulation of its identity as to be seen in its response on the 2013 tapping allegation towards President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. This argument was elaborated by interpretation on Australian political elite statements on the matter. Argument was offered by this paper is that there is an incoherency between Australia's normative articulation as interpreted from its 2013 Defense White Paper and its identity's articulation as interpreted from its political elite's statements. Keywords: Identity, Indonesia, Australia, Foreign Policy, Wiretapping

Since ASEAN was established in 8 August 1967, ASEAN organization was only joined by five countries.Now ASEAN has become a successful regional organization in bringing the attention of the other countries in rest of the world. Generally, ASEAN has successfully nurtures the cooperation in political, economical, social and cultural with establishment in exercise and research facilities for shared interest.Nowadays, ASEAN roles and influence has strong base in Southeast Asia and South Asia regions.ASEAN has taken place as important body in Asia Pacific political stream through Asian Regional Forum (ARF), where it is successful to create attention of various countries not only in Asia region but also United States of America and Europe involvement.Nevertheless, beside the successful story and prosperity achieved by ASEAN at this moment it has uniqueness when it has to face challenges at the early stage of ASEAN establishment. This journal will touch on history and ASEAN life story and explain What and How ASEAN able to strengthen its role and existence at the time Southeast Asia countries need an organization with the ability to unite all the countries in Southeast Asia region.

This paper considers the international political context of the UK presidency of COP26 and reflects upon past experience in which climate change discussions, despite their distinctive nature, cannot be effectively isolated from great power politics. It concludes that the deteriorating international situation threatens to make a successful outcome to the Glasgow conference much more difficult to achieve than its predecessor at Paris in 2015.

This work was supported by the British Academy (grant number SG171429). ; Ethnicity has played a core role in the construction of African security institutions, with leaders often relying on coethnics to secure military loyalty. Such practices, termed ethnic stacking, likely have profound consequences for a range of important outcomes, from combat effectiveness to coup propensity to democratization. The Ethnic Stacking in Africa Dataset provides the first comprehensive data on the ethnic stacking practices of all African countries, from independence to 2018 (with 95.7% of leaders and 98.3% of country years recovered). This new data will allow scholars to better understand African militaries and their behavior and capabilities. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

Since the 1960s, African states have sought ways to overcome the challenges of economic and political integration through the establishment and promotion of regional and subregional organizations across the continent. The different efforts have yielded very modest success altogether. However, it appears that Africans are the architect of the continent's low level of integration. Africa's nationalist approach to international boundaries coupled with the inclination and disposition towards economic nationalism with regards to neighbouring states has been identified as the major impediments to the process of integration in the continent. By adopting content analysis approach, this paper explores the nexus between the state's attitude to international boundaries and regional integration. This paper analyses how European's attitude to international boundaries and the resulting trans-boundary cooperation between and among the different groups of European states before 1945 was instrumental to the historic success of integration in post-1945 Europe. It further looks into the pre-1945 European experience with trans-boundary cooperation as a template for assessing trans-boundary cooperation among African states during the colonial and post-colonial periods. This paper concludes that modest achievements so far recorded in the process of regional integration in Africa is a function of the nationalistic attitude of states to international boundary. Subsequently, the study recommends that to achieve real integration in the continent, Africans and their leaders must change their attitude towards inherited colonial boundaries from their prevailing official postures as lines of divides to a more liberal disposition as corridors of cooperation.

Turkish foreign policy has dramatically transformed over the last two decades. In the first decade of the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) rule, the 'logic of interdependence' constituted the driving motive of Turkish foreign policy. In the second decade, however, the 'logic of interdependence' and the soft power-driven 'mediator–integrator' role were gradually replaced with a quest for 'strategic autonomy', accompanied by interventionism, unilateralism and coercive diplomacy. This article explores the causes of this dramatic shift. We argue that 'strategic autonomy', which goes beyond a moderate level of status-seeking compatible with Turkey's material power credentials, has a double connotation in the Turkish context. First, it constitutes a framework for the Turkish ruling elite to align with the non-western great powers and balance the US-led hierarchical order. Second, and more importantly, it serves as a legitimating foreign policy discourse for the government to mobilize its electoral base at home, fragment opposition and accrue popular support. We conclude that the search for autonomy from its western allies and the move towards the Russia–China axis has led to Turkey's isolation and permitted the emergence of new forms of dependence.

The China–Africa relationship has received increased interest over the past few decades as scholars critically examine the challenge that China, in its quest for a closer strategic partnership with Africa, poses to the norms governing the neoliberal world order (NLWO). One crucial aspect of this is international aid, and how Chinese aid to Africa differs from Western aid. This paper argues that Chinese aid reduces the power of traditional aid donors to shape the development route of African countries. This new development finance ultimately breaks the monopoly of Western aid to decide how poor countries in the global 'South' develop. In doing so, the Sino–African aid relationship is challenging the current world order as it offers African states the possibility to decouple (or delink) themselves from the global economy. By challenging assumed neoliberal economic development fundamentals, this relationship, if harnessed correctly by African leaders, can pose longer-term ideological questions around the very set of ideas that underpin development itself, while enabling African states the policy space needed to pursue more sustainable development from an Afro-centric perspective. It is this possibility to delink, due to changing ideological fundamentals concerning economic development, that is the challenge China and Africa pose to the NLWO.

Ten years on since the Arab uprisings we are in a position to assess how the nexus between knowledge, discourse and practice had a bearing on the trajectory of the protests. They represented hope and change for millions of Arabs in the region, but to what extent was that the case for onlookers in Europe and the US, and did western discourse on events in the Middle East matter? While the toppling of longstanding dictators was met with jubilation by Arab populations, it conversely created anxiety and fear in many western governments. This was reflected in the shift from an initially celebratory discourse in western commentary to disappointment, pessimism and disavowal of the uprisings. Within a year, op-eds and academic articles were asking whether the 'Arab Spring' had turned into an 'Islamist winter', reverting to Orientalist narratives about the inevitability of conflict, bloodshed and sectarianism in the Middle East. I argue this discourse had implications for the outcome of the uprisings as 'latent Orientalism' translated into 'manifest Orientalism' and western states hesitated to support opposition groups they initially encouraged and emboldened. I begin the article with a study of western discourse in the first year of the uprisings, which I then situate within a long durée history of western policy and representation of the Middle East. In the final sections I consider the role of scholarship and think tanks as mediators of Orientalist discourse. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

This article scrutinizes the role of discourses on the manipulative use of information for Russia-West relations. Discourses on so-called information warfare have gained prevalence in the public and political debate both in the West and in Russia. Applying a poststructuralist framework, the comparative analysis discusses how these discourses work respectively in each country, how they interact, and what this interaction implies for Russia-West relations. While the contemporary discourses facilitate a confrontational stance of both Russia and the West towards the respective Other, it is argued, first, that these dispositions are malleable. On the long run, Russia-West relations are thus not condemned to remain hostile. Secondly, both sides still speak to some extent the same language. However, if the current cool down prevails, this common discursive ground may fade and give way to more fundamental confrontational stances. Finally, by revealing each other's contingency, discourses in both countries make it appear less natural which interpretation is "true" or "right".

Stiansen's work was supported by the Research Council of Norway through its Centres of Excellence funding scheme, project number 223274 (PluriCourts). Financial support for Larsson's work was provided by the Swedish Research Council, project no. 2018-01693. ; This article summarizes insights from political science and empirical legal scholarship concerning selection and appointment of adjudicators to permanent international courts (ICs). This scholarship suggests that designers of ICs face challenging trade-offs in balancing judicial independence and accountability, as well as in promoting descriptive representation and necessary qualifications on the bench. The article considers different institutional design features related to appointment procedures: representation, reappointment, screening procedures and procedures for removing judges. Representation is discussed in a series of sections considering full or selective representation, voting rules and geographic and gender quotas and aspirational targets. Throughout, we draw on data on 24 ICs to illustrate the different appointment procedures and institutional features. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

China's meteoric economic rise has precipitated a debate about its increasing importance in Europe through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In this context, for some observers, Greece serves as an illustration of how China is also translating its economic power into actual political influence over small EU states to Brussels' disadvantage. This article challenges such simplistic and state-centric views by considering the role of contingent and domestic factors and the wider strategic environment in which Sino-Greek relations have unfolded. It also highlights the agency of influential actors at the more micro-level of analysis. It argues that although China has achieved some limited political gains, the relationship remains mainly economics-driven at a time when Greece is strengthening strategic ties with its traditional allies.

In this article, we aim to contribute to two contemporary debates within the English School. The debate about how to observe primary institutions and the debate concerning hierarchy between primary institutions. Specifically, we analyse references to primary institutions in United Nations General Assembly disarmament resolutions in the decade 1989–1998 and their distribution using descriptive statistics. In this way, the article offers a novel approach to identifying primary institutions empirically, and provides some insight into the hierarchy-question in the sense of documenting the relative numerical presence of references to different primary institutions in a specific issue area and temporal context. With respect to the latter, the key finding is that great power management, diplomacy and international law are by far the most prominent primary institutions in the analysed material. This is an intriguing finding, not least given the importance attached to them by Hedley Bull in his classic work The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics. The main contribution of the article is thus to spell out a new approach to how the aforementioned debates might proceed empirically.

As Asia's largest and most rapidly rising powers in contemporary global politics, relations between India and China are becoming evermore intertwined with each other. Clear commonalities typify this symbiosis, including a shared civilisational basis, a mutual desire to rebecome great powers in international relations and common modernisation goals. At the same time, relations are beset by a number of issues, most notably long-standing territorial disputes, frictions over regional hegemony and wider diplomatic tensions (most prominently relating to China–Pakistan and India–United States ties). As such, India–China relations can be considered to resemble a 'double-edged sword', whereby elements of their interaction can be regarded as having concurrent benefits and liabilities. This article explores the historical roots and contemporary realisation of such a core dynamic over the last 75 years of relations between New Delhi and Beijing and investigates how their strategic goals are often simultaneously convergent and divergent. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

Faye Donnelly is a Lecturer in the School of International Relations at the University of St Andrews. She is the author of Securitization and the Iraq War: The Rules of Engagement in World Politics (Routledge, 2013). Her most recent article, 'The Queen's Speech: Desecuritizing the Past, Present and Future of Anglo-Irish Relations' has been published in the European Journal of International Relations. Jasmine K. Gani is a Lecturer in the School of International Relations at the University of St Andrews. She is the author of The Role of Ideology in Syrian-US Relations: Conflict and Cooperation (Palgrave 2014). Her latest article, 'The Erasure of Race: Cosmopolitanism and the Illusion of Kantian hospitality ' is forthcoming in Millennium Journal of International Studies. She tweets @JKGani. ; Publisher PDF