Suchergebnisse

Liberalizm'in birey, evrensellik, temsil ve katılım ekseninde; Marksizm'in sınıf siyaset ve pratikler perspektifinde yaşadıkları krizler, toplumların üzerindeki iktidar baskılarının artmasına yol açmıştır. Siyasal alandaki devletin lehine genişleyen boşluğu doldurabilmesi için yeni bir özneye ihtiyaç duyulmaktadır. Aranan yeni özne, çatışmalarına rağmen farklılıkların eklemlenmelerinden ortaya çıkacaktır. Muhalifi inşa etmenin yöntemini bize Laclau ve Mouffe'un Agonistik Radikal Demokrasi Teorisi verir. Bu çalışma I. bölümünde Agonistik Radikal Demokrasi Teorisi'nin, içinden türediği krizleri ortaya koymayı amaçlar. II. bölümde birey, kolektif ve toplumun kimlikleri incelenecektir. Ardından yeni bir özne konumu olarak "Radikal Muhalif"i ortaya çıkaran yöntem ve ortaya çıkış koşulları değerlendirilecektir. Eşdeğerlik Zinciri, bir topluluğun üyelerinin bazı etik- politik ilkeler üzerinde anlaşmalarıyla kurulur. Bu üyelerin özelliği birbirinden oldukça farklı kimliklere de sahip olabilmeleridir. Böylece teorinin inşa ettiği muhalif özne artık tikel ve özcü bir kimlik değildir. Yeni bir hegemonik özne konumunun inşa edildiği bu süreçte zorunluluk kategorilerinin hiçbiri işlemez. Sürece olumsal bir yapılanma hakimdir. Bu yeni örgütlenme sürecinde bütün katılımcıların kimlikleri hegemonik kimliğe uyarlanır. Bu yapılanmada, toplumsal farklılıkların yeni bir biçimde, çatışmalarını sürdürerek bir çatı altında birleşmeleri tasarlanır. ; The crises that have been both experienced in the centerline of the individual, universality, representation and the participation of liberalism, and in the perspective of class politics and practices ofMarxism, caused the increasing of the power pressure on societies. That is need to have a new subject position to replace the expanding absence which is in favor of the goverment in the political sphere. In spite of the conflicts of diversities, the subject that is required, will arise from its own articulations. Laclau and Mouffe's Agonistic Radical Democracy Theory gives us the methot of constructing the opposition. This study aims to reveal crises that originates from the Agonistic Radical Democracy Theory in the I. chapter. In the II. chapter, the individual, collective and the identities of the communities will be examined. Subsequently, the method and the conditions providing the "Radical Opponent" to come about as a new subject position will be evaluated. The equivalance chain is constituted through the agreements on some ethic- political principles of the members of a society. The feature of these members is that they also have the quite different identities. Thus, the opponent subject which is constructed by the theory is not a particular or an essentialist identity anymore. In this process that constructed by the new hegemonic subject position, none of these necessity categories are inoperative. A contingent construction is dominated in process. In this new process of organisation, the identities of the while participants are adapted a hegemonic identity. In this construct, social diversities are conceived gather under a single roof in a new form, while they maintain their conflicts. ; İÇİNDEKİLER Sayfa ÖZET -- i ABSTRACT -- ii İÇİNDEKİLER -- iii KISALTMALAR -- v GİRİŞ -- 1 BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM LACLAU VE MOUFFE'UN AGONİSTİK RADİKAL DEMOKRASİ KURAMINI TÜRETEN KRİZ ALTYAPISI 1.1.MARKSİZMİN KRİZİ -- 7 1.2.LİBERALİZMİN KRİZİ -- 22 İKİNCİ BÖLÜM MUHALİF ÖZNENİN İNŞASI 2.1. ÖTEKİNDEN TÜREYEN "ÖZ-NE"NİN KURULUŞU -- 48 2.2. ÖTEKİYLE OLANAKLI OLMAK: VAR OLMANIN DAYANILMAZ ÇATIŞMASI -- 50 2.3. YENİ ZAMANLARIN YENİ ÖZNESİ: YENİ TOPLUMSAL HAREKETLER -- 58 2.4. YURTTAŞ -- 66 2.5. ÇOĞULCULUK VE SINIRLARI -- 82 2.6. KİMLİK VE FARK -- 90 2.7. EŞİTLİĞİ YENİDEN OKUMAK: BİR EŞDEĞER DENKLİK ZİNCİRİNE EKLEMLENMEK -- 100 2.8. GENEL TAMLIK ŞEMASI FORMU- GEÇİCİ LİDERİN YERİ -- 110 2.9. RADİKAL MUHALİF -- 115 iv SONUÇ -- 135 KAYNAKÇA -- 143

By conceiving interpellation as a general mechanism for the social constitution of human subjects, authors such as Judith Butler, Ernesto Laclau and Slavoj Žižek have emancipated interpellation from its conservative roots as an ideological dispositif. I examine this conceptual shift through the work of Ernesto Laclau, who, using interpellation as a model for the Gramscian process of articulation, shifts it from the conservative to the radical side of the political ledger. But, we will see, Laclau's theory runs into various difficulties. I get around these by suggesting a generalization of the concept of interpellation that realizes Althusser's seminal project of combining his own anti-humanist reading of Marx with Lacan's "return to Freud."

Since the joint publication of Hegemony and Socialist Strategy the theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe is generally received as a collaborative and symbiotic unity. However, this impression ignores the fact that the authors have drifted apart in both thematic and conceptual terms. Whereas Mouffe develops a normative theory of democracy which engages with pluralism and agonistic conflict, Laclau confines himself to the continuation of his political ontology eluding the ethico-political dimension of his work. This re-assessment highlights varieties of political conclusions drawn from postfoundationalist political thought. The analysis of the latent tension between Mouffe and Laclau then sheds light on the relationship between populism and democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Dans le sillage du philosophe argentin Laclau, des mouvements populistes récents tentent de faire converger des luttes disparates en désignant un adversaire commun. Stratégie politique redoutable, elle présente le danger, une fois au pouvoir, de transformer l'adversaire en ennemi.

This paper seeks to do two things: first, to map out in a broad way Laclau and Mouffe's intellectual development, since the publication of Hegemony and Socialist Strategy in 1985, and how they have created a following within academia; and second, to evaluate their 'hegemonic' endeavours so far. I argue that there is a place for a post-structuralist approach to the study of political ideologies and the 'political', but that the project as a whole is unlikely to achieve its intellectual and political ambitions.

In the theoretical discussion of populism, two main options can be identified: a perspective conceives the populism as a thin-centered ideology; a second perspective believes that populism is a set of rhetorical, stylistic and organizational tools, which can be used by any political force. With respect to these two perspectives, Ernesto Laclau's proposal outlines a further strategy. This article examines the merits and limitations of Laclau's proposal. This paper highlights two problematic aspects: for Laclau, populism is not only a logic of political discourse, but also a political proposal; furthermore, 'populism', in his perspective, is not a specific phenomenon, because it is the mechanism by which every political identity is produced. The paper suggests that a solution consists in recovering the distinction between the logic of equivalence and the logic of difference, which was advanced by Laclau and Mouffe during the 1980s.

This review article takes the publication of four new volumes by, and on, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe as an opportunity to revisit their work and consider its contemporary relevance. After introducing the four volumes, I explain how Laclau and Mouffe's work has developed since Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, highlighting three key developments: the incorporation of psychoanalysis, rhetoric and passions. Having done so, I turn to consider Laclau's and Mouffe's respective works on populism, connecting these to the emergence of left-wing populism in Europe today, with particular attention to the case of Podemos. Given the relevance of Laclau's and Mouffe's works for contemporary left populism, I show how the key elements from their theory on hegemony inform their argument that populist discourseis a fruitful strategy for the left today. It is because identities are contingent that a progressive collective will does not need to be articulated around class, but can be articulated around the figure of "the people". Moreover, since rhetoric, antagonism and passions are inherent to politics, populism is not necessarily opposed to democracy, but can be articulated in a way so as to reinvigorate democratic politics. ; Este ensayo bibliográfico toma la publicación de cuatro nuevos volúmenes escritos por, y sobre, Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe como una oportunidad para revisar su obra y sopesar su importancia actual. Tras presentar los cuatro volúmenes, explico cómo se ha desarrollado el trabajo de Laclau y Mouffe desde Hegemonía y Estrategia Socialista, destacando tres avances clave: la incorporación del psicoanálisis, la retórica y las pasiones. A continuación, paso a considerar los respectivos trabajos de Laclau y Mouffe sobre populismo, conectándolos con la emergencia del populismo de izquierdas de la Europaactual, con especial atención al caso de Podemos. Dada la relevancia de los trabajos de Laclau y Mouffe para el populismo de izquierdas contemporáneo, muestro cómo los elementos clave de su teoría sobre hegemonía conforman su argumento de que el discurso populista es, hoy en día, una estrategia fructífera para la izquierda. Debido a que las identidades son contingentes, un deseo progresista colectivo no necesita articularse en torno a una clase, sino que puede articularse en torno a la figura de "el pueblo" o "la gente". Además, dado que la retórica, el antagonismo y las pasiones son inherentes a la política,el populismo no es necesariamente opuesto a la democracia, sino que puede articularse de modo que revigorice a las políticas democráticas.

This paper examines some central axis from theoretical and political legacy of Laclau´s work to Social Sciences and Humanities. In this context, highlights some fundamental contributions from his political and social theory to the development of post-foundational political thought and socio-political and critical analysis. ; El presente ensayo examina de forma sucinta algunos de los ejes centrales del legado teórico y político de la obra de Ernesto Laclau a las ciencias sociales y humanas. Destaca, en ese marco, una serie de aportes fundamentales de su teoría política y social para el desarrollo del pensamiento político posfundacional y el análisis sociopolítico y crítico. ; Universidad de San Buenaventura - Cali

En 1997, Ernesto Laclau visitó la Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social para dictar un seminario y participar del Segundo Congreso Nacional de Facultades de Comunicación Social que se organizó en la ciudad de La Plata. Allí pudimos encontrarnos con el pensamiento de un filósofo argentino radicado en Inglaterra, que está repensando la política y la democracia desde la revisión de las clásicas categorías de la ciencia social. Para Laclau reflexionar sobre el objeto sociedad, implica buscar las posibilidades de un proyecto social que profundice los discursos emancipatorios y libertarios abiertos por la «revolución democrática» y que evite los aspectos represivos del «imaginario jacobino». Inés Seoane Toimil, Susana Malacalza y Alberto Amato, tomaron la posta de Oficios Terrestres y realizaron esta entrevista que no ha perdido actualidad. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe exaggerate the textual aspects of social practice in their post-Marxist reflections. They developed an account of social practices and social cohesion in terms inspired by linguistics and discourse theory. Their work saw a growing rejection of economism and class reductionism and growing emphasis on the contested, contingent discursive construction of society. Contingency is the precondition of hegemony – the ground in which struggles for hegemony and the construction of populism occur. In this regard, they replace the Marxist notion of the causal primacy of the economy with a "primacy of the political". This leads to a discursive anti-foundationalism in which it is impossible to construct a unified society because all meanings and identities are contested, and its institutional foundations are potentially re-activated. The article concludes by comparing this exorbitation of language with a more limited cultural political economy approach that offers a "third way" between structuralism and idealism. It explores the conditions that shape the variation, selection and retention of sense- and meaning-making as well structuration. This approach seeks to explain why some discursive articulations get selected and become sedimented to be contested later and why some properties of institutions have enduring effects at different scales of action. Keywords: Ernesto Laclau; Critical Discourse Analysis; The Exorbitation of Language; Hegemony; Cultural Political Economy. Resumen Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe exageraron los aspectos textuales de las prácticas sociales en sus reflexiones post-marxistas. Ellos desarrollaron una conexión entre prácticas sociales y cohesión social inspirados en algunos términos provenientes de la lingüística y de la teoría del discurso. Su trabajo muestra un rechazo creciente al reduccionismo economicista y de clase, a la vez que enfatiza en la construcción discursiva contingente y contestataria de la sociedad. La contingencia es la precondición de la hegemonía, es decir, la base en la acontecen las luchas por la hegemonía y la construcción del populismo. En ese sentido, ellos reemplazan la noción marxista de la primacía causal de la economía por la "primacía de lo político". Esto lleva a un anti-fundamentalismo discursivo, según el cual es imposible construir una sociedad unificada porque todos los significados y las identidades son contestados y sus fundaciones institucionales son potencialmente reactivadas. Este artículo concluye comparando esa exorbitancia del lenguaje con una más limitada aproximación de economía político-cultural que ofrece una "tercera vía" entre estructuralismo e idealismo. Este enfoque explora las condiciones que modelan la variación, selección y retención de producción y estructuración de sentidos e significados. Con esto se busca explicar por qué algunas articulaciones discursivas son escogidas y acaban sedimentadas, para posteriormente ser contestadas; y por qué algunas propiedades de las instituciones tienen efectos duraderos en diferentes escalas de acción. Palabras clave: Ernesto Laclau; Análisis Crítico del Discurso; La Exorbitancia del Lenguaje; Hegemonía; Economía Político-Cultural. Resumo Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe exageram os aspectos textuais da prática social em suas reflexões pós-Marxistas. Eles desenvolveram uma interpretação das práticas sociais e da coesão social em termos inspirados por linguistas e pela teoria do discurso. Seu trabalho rejeitou o economicismo e o reducionismo de classe, dando ênfase à disputa e à contingência na construção da sociedade. Contingência é a pré-condição da hegemonia – o terreno no qual as disputas pela hegemonia e a construção do populismo ocorrem. Neste sentido, eles substituem a noção Marxista de casualidade da primazia da economia com a "primazia do político". Isso leva a um discursivo anti-fundacionalista no qual é impossível construir uma sociedade unificada porque todos os sentidos e identidades são contestados e seus fundamentos institucionais são potencialmente re-ativados. O artigo termina por comparar essa exorbitação da linguagem com uma abordagem cultural e política da economia mais limitada, que oferece uma "Terceira via" entre o estruturalismo e o idealismo. Explora as condições que moldam a variação, seleção e retenção do sentido - e da construção de sentido – tal como da estruturação. Essa abordagem busca explicar porque algumas articulações discursivas são selecionadas e sedimentam-se para serem contestadas posteriormente e porque algumas propriedades das instituições têm efeitos duradouros em diferentes escalas de ação. Palavras-chave: Ernesto Laclau; Análise Crítica do Discurso; A Exorbitação da Linguagem; Hegemonia; Economia Político-Cultural.

Recognizing the actuality and interest that has and provokes the phenomenon ofpopulism, it is proposed to seek the definition that provides greater clarity and utility. In thisway we begin by exposing the presuppositions of populism as understood by Ernesto Laclau.Subsequently, the gaps in your proposal are indicated. Thus, we come to the perspective ofJacques Rancière, to understand politics as a practice of radical inclusion, which is used torespond to criticisms of lack of specificity that are made to the Argentine thinker and pointedout the possible problems that can have the approaches of different commentators. Finally, it isargued that populism is a democratic phenomenon and also a process of radical inclusion, anassertion based on the understanding of democracy as a historical transformation. This definitionpretends to be a surpassing of the problems of abstraction and excessive specificity that havebeen distinctive features of the investigations carried out around the concept of populism thatprovides more clarity when analyzing concrete cases. ; Reconociendo la actualidad e interés que posee y suscita el fenómeno del populismo,se propone buscar la definición que brinde mayor claridad y utilidad. De esta manera secomienza por exponer los presupuestos del populismo tal como lo entiende Ernesto Laclau.Posteriormente, se señalan los vacíos que tiene su propuesta. Así, se llega a la perspectiva deJacques Rancière, para entender la política como una práctica de inclusión radical, que esutilizada para dar respuesta a las críticas de falta de especificidad que se le hacen al pensadorargentino y se señalan los posibles problemas que pueden encontrarse en los planteamientos dediferentes comentaristas. Finalmente, se plantea que el populismo es un fenómeno democráticoy además un proceso de inclusión radical, aseveración que se apoya a partir de la comprensiónde la democracia como una transformación histórica. Esta definición pretende ser una superaciónde los problemas de abstracción y excesiva especificidad que ...