Suchergebnisse

The purpose of the article is to determine the probability of institutional reforms resulting from the debate on EU future held as a part of the "Conference on the Future of Europe" initiated in 2020. In the theoretical dimension, the analysis is based on the application of the liberal intergovernmentalist approach with its three assumptions: the strict categorization of intergovernmental decision-making built on the triad 'preferences-negotiations-institutions', the concept of demoicracy, and the need for differentiated integration. On this basis, three hypotheses for each reform are presented and verified, which leads to determination of their possible implementation. The main thought is the statement that, when adopting the liberal intergovernmentalism, the EU will remain an intergovernmental organization, founded on societies organized in nation states, but at the same time internally differentiated in terms of the quality of membership.

Since the Treaty of Rome, the expansion phenomenon of European Union is the most importalt political tool of the union. The Eastern Enlargement of the EU, the number of countries that are both included besides old and new members in terms of political, social, and economic differences have been the most compelling expansion. This study tries to explain the contributions of East expansion to the integration of Europe in the context of three theories.

Aim of study: The paper explores whether the legislative proposal for the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) after 2021 and the novelty of comprehensive strategic planning at Member State (MS) level can bring about a greener, more multifunctional policy paradigm. While existing research has explored long-term policy change over the entire decision-making process, this study aims to demonstrate the usefulness of conducting policy analysis at the inception of the legislative procedure.Area of study: The study applies to the European Union.Material and methods: The research employs a qualitative method of policy analysis, using a combination of three theoretical frameworks – social learning, path dependency and intergovernmentalism. Extensive document analysis and in-depth interviews were applied to evaluate the proposed reform and gauge the responses of key interest groups.Main results: The proposal holds potential for a substantial overall greening of the policy but will be strongly dependent on implementation at the MS level; the institutional framework provides space for increased environmental ambition, but does not guarantee it, as the proposed safeguards are too weak.Research highlights: More accountability is required during the formulation and implementation of Strategic Plans. Due to strong elements of path dependency and intergovernmentalism, an overall paradigm shift at EU level is unlikely. Strengthening the role of MSs is weakening the commonality of the policy that guarantees at least minimal environmental standards.

During the process of European integration, the main institutions created since the founding Treaties of the European Communities have played a decisive role in pushing the European project forward. Among these institutions, the Court of Justice of the European Union (EU) 1 is said to be the most neglected by the academics, although it has extended significantly the EU policy for decades. This article reviews the Court's evolution, function and main decisions and discusses its role, not only as an exclusively legal institution but also as a political player capable of driving forward European integration. This article claims that the Court has pushed forward integration process in some important ways, clarifying and extending EU law. However, the Court is primarily a legal institution of an intergovernmental organization, the European Union. Thus, its political power and role is limited to Treaties' provisions and the Member States remain the key -actors of the EU's decision making system until today. ; durante o processo de integração europeia, as principais instituições criadas a partir dos tratados fundadores das comunidades europeias desempenharam um papel decisivo no desenvolvimento do projeto europeu. entre estas instituições, o tribunal de Justiça da união europeia (tJue) é referido como sendo o mais negligenciado pelos académicos, não obstante a sua ampla contribuição para a consolidação institucional da ue. este artigo examina a evolução, função e principais decisões do tJue e discute o seu papel, não só como uma instituição exclusivamente judicial, mas também como um interveniente na cena política e institucional da ue, capaz de conduzir e promover a integração europeia. este artigo argumenta que o tribunal tem potenciado o processo de integração em alguns aspetos importantes, esclarecendo e ampliando, por exemplo, o direito da união europeia. no entanto, o tribunal é principalmente uma instituição judicial de uma organização intergovernamental, a união europeia. assim, o seu poder de intervenção política e papel institucional alargado é limitado às disposições dos tratados, permanecendo os estados ‑membros os atores ‑chave do sistema de tomada de decisão da ue.

"Asylum Policy and European Union Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

Zusammenfassung Summary Gliederung Vorwort Verzeichnis der Abkürzungen I Einleitung Erklärung des Scheiterns der Erdgasverhandlungen als ergänzender theoretischer Rahmen Die Struktur der vorliegenden Dissertation II Eine bilaterale Verhandlung über Erdgas und der dazugehörige theoretische Engpass 1) Fallbeschreibung 2) Fallbegrenzung und Fragestellung 3) Die Relevanz und Irrelevanz einzelner externer Akteure 3.1) Die chilenische Verhandlungsposition als Konstante 3.2) Die zwei Abnehmer: USA und Mexiko 3.3) Das doppelte Konkurrenznachbarland: Peru 3.4) Der Einfluss einer regionalen Macht: Venezuela 3.5) Der Einfluss des internationalen Finanzsystems: Der Washington-Konsens 4) Warum ist der Blick auf die subsystemische Ebene nötig? 4.1) Allgemeines über den Liberalen Intergouvernementalismus 4.2) Erklärungsdefizite des Liberalen Intergouvernementalismus im Falle der Erdgasverhandlung 5) Bedarf einer Theorieergänzung durch die Einführung konstruktivistischer Elemente III Theoretischer Rahmen: Das vorgeschlagene ergänzende Modell 1) Allgemeines zum Bau eines ergänzenden theoretischen Rahmens 2) Theoretischer Rahmen: Strategisches Framing, Mobilisierung von Identitäten, Entstehung von Reputationskosten und kognitiver Dissonanz 2.1) Nationale und kollektive Identitäten 2.2) Mobilisierung von Identitätskonstruktionen 2.3) Entstehung von Reputationskosten und kognitiver Dissonanz 2.4) Anwendung der theoretischen Rahmen auf den empirischen Fall 3) Auf der Suche nach Kausalerklärungen 3.1) Zur Festlegung der abhängigen Variable 3.2) Das strategische Framing der Erdgasverhandlungen in der Öffentlichkeit als entscheidender Erklärfaktor 4) Methodische Vorgehensweise 4.1) Die Kenntnis eines strategischen Framing und der Reputationskosten 4.2) Konstellation der Akteure 4.3) Schematischer Verlauf der Erdgasverhandlungen 4.4) Ausgewählte Quellen a) Literatur und amtliche Publikationen b) Printmedien c) Die Interviews IV Empirischer Teil 1) Kurze historische Einführung 1.1) Unabhängigkeit und Salpeterkrieg im lateinamerikanischen ...

Liberal intergovernmentalism approach proposed by Andrew Moravcsik is an important contribution to regional integration studies in Western Europe. Can it also help explaining integration among developing countries? The objective of this paper is to examine the extent to which liberal intergovernmentalism can be used to explain the process of integration in the Caribbean Basin, in particular, the Assoc of Caribbean States (ACS). Firstly, this paper evaluated Moravcsik's approach to regional integration & its contribution to integration theory. Secondly, the development of the ACS is analyzed by using a variable of the Moravcsik approach: the process of formation of national preferences. Based on the study of the formation of national preferences in Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, & Mexico, the paper shows the extent to which Moravcsik ideas could account for regionalism in the Caribbean Basin. Adapted from the source document.

"Evolution of International Organization as Institutional Forms and Historical Processes Since 1945: "Quis Custodiet Ipsos Custodies?"" published on by Oxford University Press.

This article analyses the development of financial assistance in the Eurozone since 2010. It argues that reforms to instruments and bodies, notably the European Financial Stability Facility, the European Stability Mechanism, and the current Covid-19 recovery fund, are best explained by a re-occurring pattern of negotiations between potential creditors and debtors based on common Eurozone interests and national cost-benefit considerations. Building on a liberal intergovernmentalist approach, this article shows how this pattern influenced the step-by-step reform of financial assistance in the Eurozone. The threat to Eurozone stability served as a constant factor encouraging member states to expand and deepen the assistance formula. Creditors' cost-benefit considerations were key for retaining disincentives, a limited liability for common debt, and intermediary borrowing and lending within the financing design. However, on the back of common Eurozone interests, debtors were able to push for an increase in assistance, an expansion of assistance into areas of banking sector support, and a softening of moral hazard elements in the more recent Covid-19 pandemic. Due to creditors' continuous insistence on safeguards and limited burden-sharing, reform outcomes were repeatedly unable to resolve the difficulties at hand.

Intro -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 The Need for Explanations of European Disintegration -- 1.2 The Search for an Explanation of European Disintegration -- References -- Chapter 2: Neo-functionalism and European Disintegration -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Neo-functionalism and Integration -- 2.3 A Neo-functionalist Explanation of Disintegration Evaluated -- 2.4 Insights from Comparative Regionalism -- 2.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Realism, Intergovernmentalism, and European Disintegration -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Realism and Cooperation in Europe -- 3.2.1 Neo-realist Accounts of Declining Cooperation and Their Evaluation -- 3.3 Intergovernmentalism -- 3.3.1 From Classical Realism to Neoliberal Institutionalism -- 3.3.2 Liberal Intergovernmentalism on European Integration -- 3.3.3 Liberal Intergovernmentalism and European Disintegration -- 3.3.4 Problems in the Intergovernmentalist Explanation of European (Dis)integration -- 3.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Federalism and European Disintegration -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Comparative Federalism and Its Applicability to the European Union -- 4.3 Integration and Disintegration of Federal Political Systems -- 4.4 Secession and the European Union -- 4.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Comparative Imperialism and European Disintegration -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Empire as Comparative Category -- 5.3 Defining Empire and Imperialism -- 5.4 Is the EU an Empire? -- 5.5 Explaining the Decline and Fall of Empires -- 5.5.1 EU Theories Concerning Enlargement -- 5.6 Comparative Analysis of Disintegrating Empires -- 5.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 6: Towards a Proper Explanation of European Disintegration -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Lessons Learned.

The goal of the article is to present a theoretical and practical evaluation of experience of apolitical civil servants working in committee-style preparatory bodies of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission. In the first part the hypotheses resulting from three theories of integration of different range (liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory, and deliberative supranationalism) are presented. The second part consists of the verification of those hypotheses, based on an empirical study conducted by the Author in 2013 in the period between January and June. The survey included Polish officials attending the meetings of committees and was followed by interviews.The thesis of the article is based on the assumption that the majority of decisions of the Council and the Commission are actually made in apolitical preparatory bodies. Both "bargaining" and "problem solving" attitudes, representing both political and apolitical models of EU decision making, are present at this level. Theoretically, the most appropriate attitude is the combination of the liberal intergovernmentalism, the fusion theory, and the deliberative supranationalism. Those approaches can serve as general theories of integration and can be used to explain other elements of EU functioning.

The goal of the article is to present a theoretical and practical evaluation of experience of apolitical civil servants working in committee-style preparatory bodies of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission. In the first part the hypotheses resulting from three theories of integration of different range (liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory, and deliberative supranationalism) are presented. The second part consists of the verification of those hypotheses, based on an empirical study conducted by the Author in 2013 in the period between January and June. The survey included Polish officials attending the meetings of committees and was followed by interviews.The thesis of the article is based on the assumption that the majority of decisions of the Council and the Commission are actually made in apolitical preparatory bodies. Both "bargaining" and "problem solving" attitudes, representing both political and apolitical models of EU decision making, are present at this level. Theoretically, the most appropriate attitude is the combination of the liberal intergovernmentalism, the fusion theory, and the deliberative supranationalism. Those approaches can serve as general theories of integration and can be used to explain other elements of EU functioning.

The explanatory value & predictive strength of the two classical transnational integration theories -- liberal intergovernmentalism & neofunctionalism -- are assessed to determine how they need to be improved to provide an effective & tenable account of the failure to ratify EU treaties & other policies by voters in national referendums held in member countries; references are made in particular to the rejection of the constitution project for the EU in a referendum held in France on 29 May & the Netherlands on 1 June of 2005. Both models are outlined, examining how they incorporate inner state actors' role in the EU integration processes. The applicability of Robert Putnam's (1988) two-level approach & Leon N. Lindberg & Stuart A. Scheingold's (1970) notion of permissive consensus to the European multilevel decision making pattern is explored. It is concluded that the liberal intergovernmentalism & neofunctionalism treat international integration in terms of representative rather than plebiscitary democracy & view national & transnational elites as primary agents of European integration. If referendums become a dominant instrument of ratifying EU policies, both theories will lose their dominant descriptive-explanatory position since they are ill-equipped for dealing with direct democracy patterns. References. Z. Dubiel