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The 2013-2014 Euromaidan Revolution, which culminated in the fall of the authoritarian and notoriously corrupt regime of President Victor Yanukovych has become a symbol of the triumph of civic activism in Ukraine. Although those events have attracted significant scholarly attention, the question whether the Ukrainian civil society's capacity for protest mobilization has successfully been channeled into sustained, formalized and productive forms of civic participation in the process of public policy making has remained largely unaddressed. Therefore, this paper sets out to examine whether civil society organizations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy making process since the Euromaidan and whether the Revolution has led to a meaningful shift towards a more open and inclusive style of governance. Drawing on legal texts, external reports and semi-structured interviews with Kyiv-based anti-corruption activists, the study finds both a clear trend towards increased openness of the policy making process to CSO input in the immediate aftermath of the Revolution as well as the insufficient consolidation and institutionalization of such participatory mechanisms, which ultimately makes them vulnerable to the preferences of individual players and to broader changes in political attitudes.

Shieh, Shawn: The rise of collective corruption in China : the Xiamen smuggling case Wedeman, Andrew: Anticorruption campaigns and the intensification of corruption in China

"Corruption is linked to a wide range of developmental issues, including undermining democratic institutions, slowing economic development and contributing to government instability, poverty and inequality. It is estimated that corruption costs more than 5 per cent of global GDP, and that more than one trillion US dollars are paid in bribes each year. This book unpacks the concept of corruption, its political and ethical influences, its measurement, commitments to combat corruption and ways that this is being attempted.Building on the research on the nature, causes and consequences of corruption, this book analyses international anti-corruption interventions in particular. It discusses approaches to focus efforts to tackle corruption in developing countries on where they are most likely to be successful. The efforts of the UK are considered as a detailed case study, with comparisons brought in as necessary from other countries and multilateral institutions anti-corruption efforts. Bridging a range of disciplines, Anti-Corruption in International Development will be of interest to students and scholars of international development, public administration, management, international relations, politics and criminal justice."--Provided by publisher.

Both books recommend systematization of anti‐corruption norms whether by the means of legal institutions (Hock) or agreeing on a set of human rights safeguards against anti‐corruption sanctions (Moiseienko). Both argue that unless there is a shared understanding of what international law requires and how far states may or may not go in the enforcement of the anti‐corruption regime, tensions with non‐cooperative countries may become even more considerable.

The peculiarities of the formation of administrative and legal foundations of the state anti-corruption policy in Ukraine are investigated. It is found out that in the process of forming and implementing the national anti-corruption policy in Ukraine, a special place belongs to determining the strategy, tactics and specific measures of anti-corruption activity. Accordingly, such a policy should be based not only on the adoption of a package of anti-corruption legislation, but also on the dissemination of knowledge about corruption, the causes of its occurrence and spread, the principles of prevention and counteraction that will contribute to the formation of anti-corruption awareness in society. A number of problems have been identified in this area. A set of recommendations for resolving them is provided. The directions of improvement of the legislation providing administrative and legal regulation of anti-corruption policy of Ukraine are determined. In particular, the necessity to develop requirements for the formation of the National Anti-Corruption Policy is substantiated. The development of such requirements is proposed to be assigned to the National Anti-Corruption Agency. It is proposed to review the current national legislation of Ukraine more thoroughly, in terms of the effective formation of the administrative and legal foundations of the state anti-corruption policy. At the same time, they emphasize that such legislative changes need to be implemented in combination with the reforming of the human resources of the anti-corruption actors. The expediency of systematic conducting of state and public monitoring in order to identify corruption risks is substantiated. Given that timely analysis of corruption risks and the implementation of preventive anti-corruption measures will allow to eliminate violations of Ukrainian law enforcement officials, will have a positive impact on improving the work of these bodies and will enhance their authority.

In the case of corruption, the young generations' obtainment of core ethical values may be undermined during the formative years that are critical to the promotion of integrity and accountability in a given society. The results may be widespread, long-lasting and severe.In the article are elucidated characteristics of corruption, aspects of the interaction between gender and corruption in higher education, negative effects of corruption.

Corruption remains a persistent problem in both developed and developing countries. Statistics provide evidence that Pakistan faces the menace of corruption. The recently released Corruption Perception Index (CPI) for 2019 by Transparency International (TI) ranks Pakistan as the 120th country out of a total of 180. In 1995 Pakistan used to be the second most corrupt country in the world. Moreover, TI's Global Corruption Barometer for 2017 shows that 40–50 per cent of the respondents have given a bribe to get a public service in Pakistan. The Global Competitiveness Reports (2016, 2017, and 2018) released by the World Economic Forum in Switzerland have declared corruption to be the topmost problematic factor when doing business in Pakistan. Corruption is a public problem and relevant academic literature holds the dominant view that it obstructs economic development. It increases the direct costs of firms through bribery. It encourages bureaucratic red tape and corrupts the institutions of contract enforcement and property rights protection. Although corruption and anti-corruption have long been research topics in the social sciences, little has been done about the evaluation of anti-corruption strategies. Anti-corruption efforts are required where corruption prevails. With this in view, the study aims to ascertain the opinion of policy professionals regarding different anti-corruption strategies. Data on 26 anti-corruption strategies were collected through a self-administered questionnaire from 100 policy professionals working in 12 different policy institutes. The results have found slight differences between the mean scores for anti-corruption strategies, depicting a certain level of effectiveness for each strategy. Harsher punishments for corrupt persons and legal protection for whistleblowers informing about persons involved in corruption are the strategies that had the highest mean scores of 4.07 and 4.04 respectively. Policy professionals rated the category of "Political, legal and judicial strategies" with the highest mean value of 3.90 as the most effective anti-corruption typology. A holistic approach is required in Pakistan to eradicate corruption from governmental offices.

In the context of global capitalism the so-called developing countries are considered 'commodities' in offer in the global economy as emerging markets or for foreign investment. Countries need to show they are potentially highly competitive with low risk. The value of country characteristics is set by globalised managerial discourses, based on postcolonial ideologies that rate cultures and societies in terms of linear notions of progress and civilisation. Cultures and behaviours are judged positively or negatively according to the position countries supposedly have in the evolution of world society. In this framework one element that countries need to eradicate or reduce in order to be seen as 'attractive' is corruption. Towards this aim international and national government and non-government organisations have put in place anti-corruption campaigns. In communications with the general public, these schemes represent actors and acts of corruption through discursive strategies that characterize world cultures and their links with corruption in terms of postcolonial ideologies. In this paper I focus on the implications of the metaphor 'culture of corruption' for rating countries, questioning its effectiveness in anti-corruption campaigns. I argue that anti-corruption instruments based on postcolonial ideologies corrupt representations of national cultures and peoples behaviours, instead of targeting local and global sectors that gain from institutionalised corruption. Through the analysis of anti-corruption cultural texts publicly available in Mexico I illustrate how the ideological misrepresentation of corruption fails its stated aim, to transform a 'culture of corruption' into a 'culture of legality'.

In the context of global capitalism the so-called developing countries are considered 'commodities' in offer in the global economy as emerging markets or for foreign investment. Countries need to show they are potentially highly competitive with low risk. The value of country characteristics is set by globalised managerial discourses, based on postcolonial ideologies that rate cultures and societies in terms of linear notions of progress and civilisation. Cultures and behaviours are judged positively or negatively according to the position countries supposedly have in the evolution of world society. In this framework one element that countries need to eradicate or reduce in order to be seen as 'attractive' is corruption. Towards this aim international and national government and non-government organisations have put in place anti-corruption campaigns. In communications with the general public, these schemes represent actors and acts of corruption through discursive strategies that characterize world cultures and their links with corruption in terms of postcolonial ideologies. In this paper I focus on the implications of the metaphor 'culture of corruption' for rating countries, questioning its effectiveness in anti-corruption campaigns. I argue that anti-corruption instruments based on postcolonial ideologies corrupt representations of national cultures and peoples behaviours, instead of targeting local and global sectors that gain from institutionalised corruption. Through the analysis of anti-corruption cultural texts publicly available in Mexico I illustrate how the ideological misrepresentation of corruption fails its stated aim, to transform a 'culture of corruption' into a 'culture of legality'.

The dilemma between human rights protection within the anti-corruption measures in Indonesia finds its culmination in the amendment of Law number 30 of 2002 concerning the Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi/Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in 2019. The Indonesian Parliament passed Law number 19 of 2019 as the amendment of Law number 30 of 2002 with several important changes to the KPK's institutional structure. This research utilizes a legal doctrinal approach to analyze the changes of KPK law through the lens of human rights and anti-corruption strategies. Both human rights and anti-corruption legal instruments were studied as the foundation of the Indonesia's obligation to design and continually assess the independent anticorruption agency's capacity to eradicate corruption. The General Comments of the respective human rights body were used to guide the analysis of State human rights obligations. The Indonesian pre-trial case laws were chosen to exemplify the conflict between human rights protection and anti-corruption measures. Based on the analysis, the changes are pivotal to improve the particular vague provisions of Law number 30 of 2002 and flaws within the KPK's institutional structure. The existence of Law number 19 of 2019 is the first step for the KPK to become a Weberian rational-legal institutional organ that internally strengthens the KPK to eradicate corruption in Indonesia. The development of the KPK law in Indonesia contributes to international anti-corruption law as an example of best practice under Article 5 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC).

The subject of the study – anti–corruption policy of the EU and Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the key problems of the EU policy on the prevention of corruption manifestations for the implementation of the relevant analytical results in the development of recommendations for adjusting the anti–corruption policy of Ukraine. Research methodology – methods of analysis and synthesis (in the systematizing the legal and organizational foundations of the EU anti–corruption policy); method of comparison (in assessing the level of corruption in European countries and Ukraine); method of analogy (when making recommendations for adjusting the anti–corruption policy of Ukraine). Results of the work – The article examines the organizational and legal mechanism for implementing the anti–corruption policy of the European Union. The definition of corruption adopted in the EU is given. Examples of implementation of successful practices in the field of prevention and fight against corruption in a number of European countries are given. It is noted that corruption is one of the most destructive social phenomena, which hinders the sustainable development of any state, the efficiency of public administration and the functioning of social institutions. At the same time, corruption has the greatest negative impact on socio–economic development in developing countries, including Ukraine. It is noted that the experience of countries that have succeeded in combating corruption is useful for Ukraine in terms of: political will, the formation of citizens' conscious negative attitude to corruption, non–declarative nature of the rule of law, as well as constant monitoring and control of non–governmental public organizations. Application of results: international economics, public administration Conclusions. The implementation of the EU anti–corruption policy is complicated by the multi–level nature of the adoption of countermeasures, the lack of clarity in the interpretation of the definition of corruption, and the uneven ...

During the transition period, the extent of corruption in China is higher than before. Meanwhile the forms and characters of Chinese corruption are also different in many important aspects from those of its past and of other countries. This paper explores the causes, consequences of corruption and anti-corruption campaigns of the Chinese government. The major conclusion of this paper is that further political reform toward democracy should be the direction of future anti-corruption efforts.

A clean country, like a healthy body. A clean and healthy Indonesia remains hope. The implementation of anti-corruption education at an early age is the foundation of the morality foundation of future generations who dare to say corruption is forbidden. This research aims to provide new ideas to the public or educators to instill anti-corruption values from an early age. The method used is the literature study of relevant texts in the form of journals and literature. The results of this study are to find an Anti-Corruption Education model that is through the method of democracy, joint search, exemplary methods, live in methods that are suitable for children to have high integrity by instilling anti-corruption values, suitable learning resources to support learning activities PAK is a natural and socio-cultural environment, textbooks and text books, audio visuals, and the internet. Suggestions in this study are to urge the government to require Anti-Corruption Education to be given from elementary schools to tertiary institutions. ; Negara yang bersih, seperti tubuh yang sehat. Indonesia yang bersih dan sehat tetap menjadi harapan. Penyelenggaraan pendidikan anti korupsi pada usia dini merupakan fondasi dasar moralitas generasi penerus yang berani mengatakan korupsi dilarang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan ide-ide baru kepada publik atau pendidik untuk menanamkan nilai-nilai anti korupsi sejak usia dini. Metode yang digunakan adalah studi literatur teks yang relevan dalam bentuk jurnal dan literatur. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menemukan model Pendidikan Anti Korupsi yaitu melalui metode demokrasi, pencarian bersama, metode teladan, hidup dalam metode yang cocok untuk anak-anak untuk memiliki integritas tinggi dengan menanamkan nilai-nilai anti-korupsi, sumber belajar yang cocok untuk mendukung kegiatan pembelajaran, PAK adalah lingkungan alami dan sosial budaya, buku teks dan buku teks, audio visual, dan internet. Saran dalam penelitian ini adalah mendesak pemerintah untuk mewajibkan ...