Suchergebnisse

Members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) took part in the World Summit 2005 and agreed to adopt the principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). However, there has not been any significant effort to discuss how the R2P might be applicable to the region and the issue remains a marginal one to ASEAN. However, the adoption of the ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC) by ASEAN could provide a logical start for the maintraiming of R2P in ASEAN's discourse and practice. Some elements of the APSC appear to have characteristics in common with the R2P principle. While the APSC may provide broad and indirect support for building the capacity of States to recognise, prevent and respond to the situations of conflict, its immediate utility for preventing the four crimes of genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity nonetheless remains to be seen. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

Since 1967, ASEAN has established intramural relations that forsake war as a means for resolving conflict. While this is a remarkable achievement for the region, it must be balanced against a concomitant hindrance of democratic reform. I argue in this paper that ASEAN's nascent security community must be seen as an 'illiberal peace'. Underlying ASEAN's peaceful community are the same principles that support illiberalism in the region, namely sovereignty and non-interference. While sovereignty has historically been a cherished norm for developing countries, ASEAN lags behind other regions, particularly Latin America, in attempting to reconcile tensions between democratic norms and the respect for sovereignty. This tension is most evident in ASEAN's relations with Myanmar. Recent events indicate that ASEAN's non-interference norm may no longer be sacrosanct, but the association is a long way from shunning illiberal politics for the sake of democratic values. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

Aus sowjetischer Sicht

This discerning book examines China's newly developed soft-intervention policy towards North Korea, Myanmar and the two Sudans by examining China's diplomatic statements and behaviours. It also highlights the Chinese soft-intervention policy in economic manipulation and diplomatic persuasion in the recent generations of Chinese leadership under Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Providing a new perspective on the study of China through its discrepant foreign policies, Hak Yin Li delivers a comprehensive overview of the principles of Chinese foreign policy, critically examining the evolution of the Chinese non-intervention policy. Rich with empirical discussions on key cases, the book also includes interviews with Chinese scholars and provides a wide breadth of information from official sources such as China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This invigorating read will be an excellent resource for international relations scholars, policy analysts and researchers who are interested in the evolution of Chinese non-intervention policy, and China's emerging soft-interventions in North Korea, Myanmar and the two Sudans. Readers with an interest in Chinese foreign policy and China's normative role in shaping the world order will also find this an enlightening read.