Suchergebnisse

Carlota O'Neill de Lamo (1905-2000) fue una mujer polivalente, como la mayoría de las modernas: escritora, periodista, dramaturga, empresaria, productora de televisión y de radio, activista…, una trayectoria profesional que se desconoce aún hoy en día debido a su encarcelamiento y a su exilio. Muchas de sus posiciones ideológicas las transmite en su producción. Fue pionera del teatro proletario en España, y el tema escogido para su primera obra fue la situación de las trabajadoras. En toda su producción memorialística —que no se resume únicamente a Una mexicana en la guerra de España (1964)— muestra especial interés por la marginalidad y los bajos fondos. Desde su primera obra de teatro, Al rojo, de 1933, pasando por sus memorias y otras obras inéditas, la prostitución es uno de los elementos esenciales. De este modo, buscamos indicios en su obra para contestar a la siguiente pregunta: ¿Era Carlota O'Neill abolicionista?

In a recent BJPIR article Shane O'Neill uses Habermas' discourse theory of rights to argue that the conflicts over marches in Drumcree can be resolved rationally in the nationalist residents' favour. I question this conclusion via a critique of Habermas' theory. Habermas' apparently unexceptionable requirement that political outcomes win universal acceptability is bought at the cost of vagueness: it fails to specify how acceptability is secured, or how the requirement itself is derived. So it cannot justify the exceptions to equal civil rights which O'Neill wants, such as exceptions to rights of freedom of expression or movement. Unionists can claim that their position respects Habermas' universal acceptability requirement. This exposes the limitations of attempts to impose abstract principles such as Habermas' on real political conflicts. A possible alternative to this is a form of Schmittian decisionism, in which rules either prove indeterminate, or are confronted with exceptional cases that call for executive intervention outside the framework of rules. Sensitivity to political context requires not derogations from rights, but respect for the autonomy of political processes.

Shane O'Neill (2000) uses Jurgen Habermas's discourse theory of rights to argue that the conflicts over marches in Drumcree can be resolved rationally in the nationalist residents' favor. I question this conclusion via a critique of Habermas's theory. Habermas's apparently unexceptionable requirement that political outcomes win universal acceptability is bought at the cost of vagueness: it fails to specify how acceptability is secured, or how the requirement itself is derived. So it cannot justify the exceptions to equal civil rights that O'Neill wants, such as exceptions to rights of freedom of expression or movement. Unionists can claim that their position respects Habermas's universal acceptability requirement. This exposes the limitations of attempts to impose abstract principles such as Habermas's on real political conflicts. A possible alternative to this is a form of Schmittian decisionism, in which rules either prove indeterminate, or are confronted with exceptional cases that call for executive intervention outside the framework of rules. Sensitivity to political context requires not derogations from rights, but respect for the autonomy of political processes. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Although in England the Elizabethan era is regarded as a golden age, the same period in Ireland has a much darker and murkier appear-ance. The aim of this paper is to try to somewhat illuminate this period by looking at the Hugh O'Neill, the dominant Irish figure in the last decades ofElizabeth's reign, leader of the Gaelic forces in the Nine Years War Rather than trying to minutely analyse O'Neill's life, we intend to use the concepts of 'self fashioning and 'the flexibility of the self' to see if they can aid to unravel the puzzle of Elizabethan Ireland.

Recensión sobre la obra de Tip O'Neill y William Novak: «Man of the House. The Life and Political Memoirs of Speaker Tip O'Neill»

Laurence O'Neill, described on the occasion of his election to a fifth successive term of office as a 'popular, useful, independent and energetic Lord Mayor', was the last person to hold the office under the British regime and the first to hold it under the Free State administration. His term, then, straddled a very turbulent period in Ireland's political and social history. It began in the midst of the First World War and continued through the 'troubles' of the early 1920s, coming to an end – perhaps- with the abolition of Dublin Corporation in 1924. The word 'perhaps' is apposite, because O'Neill did not vacate the Mansion House until 1925 and as late as 1926 a court case failed to conclude that he was no longer lord mayor, with the judge suggesting that 'probably' he remained lord mayor. In any case, it was O'Neill who was the proposer, in 1930, of the next elected lord mayor of the city, that well-known and charismatic leader Alfie Byrne, discussed in the following chapter.