Suchergebnisse

"The European Union (EU) Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) is an instrument that aims to collect timely and comparable cross-sectional and longitudinal multidimensional microdata on income distribution, poverty and social exclusion. It also covers various related EU living conditions and poverty policies, such as child poverty, access to healthcare and other services, housing, over-indebtedness and quality of life. It is also the main source of data for microsimulation purposes and flash estimates of income distribution and poverty rates. This instrument is anchored in the European Statistical System (ESS)."
"Information on social exclusion and housing conditions is collected mainly at household level, while labour, education and health information is obtained for persons aged 16 and over. The core of the instrument, income at detailed component level, is collected both at personal and household level."
(Eurostat: METHODOLOGICAL GUIDELINES AND DESCRIPTION OF EU-SILC TARGET VARIABLES. 2021 operation (Version 8), p. 15).

This paper derives the discrete‐time counterpart of Blanchard's overlapping generations model of consumer expenditure. The model is combined with two different models of liquidity‐constrained consumers; in the first the percentage of income accruing to such consumers is constant; in the second it is allowed to decrease over time. These models are estimated for five countries over the period 1967–92, and pass all standard specifications as well as some alternative non‐parametric tests.Our estimates suggest that in Canada and the USA the number of liquidity‐constrained consumers decreased substantially in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Germany and the UK these changes occurred later and were less pronounced.

EU-SILC 2008 contains the 2008 Module on over-indebtedness and financial exclusion. The 2008 Module consists of 38 variables (five of them optional). Despite their number, not all questions were asked to all households because they depend on the positive answer to a previous question. The target variables relate exclusively to the household. Where dealing with financial services, the household should be understood as any member of the household.

In this article, I consider two Korczakian conceptions complementary to each other of children's labour as a means of building their agency and autonomy. The first is the concept of labour as development. While the second is development as labour. I analyse testimonies from Korczak's institutions, including notes gleaned from children's accounts Wspomnienia z maleńkości dzieci Naszego Domu w Pruszkowie [Recollections from the Children of Our Home in Pruszków], children's texts (Mały Przegląd [Little Review]) and programme and literary texts by Janusz Korczak/Henryk Goldszmit and Maria (Maryna) Falska, who collaborated with him. In the anthropological perspective of new childhood studies I ponder the radicalism of Korczak's projects involving child labour in light of the time, their perspective on child labour, and childhood itself. In what sense did they have modern origins? And in what sense did they transcend modernity – along with its concepts of childhood and child development?

International audience ; Work in contemporary society is hidden. Work's products accumulate and fill the spaces of leisure with traces and memories of past labor. Yet, work, and workers, are both necessary and impossible in this accumulation; the memory of their efforts haunts consumer products like a premonition or a limit. This invisibility of work, like the modern subject itself, seems to exist outside of time, inhabiting another kind of time than the linear progression of objects that constitute its past. Symbolically positioned as the antechamber of subjectivity itself, the body and spirit of the worker are produced and repaired over the weekend.The weekend is a liminal, paradoxical space, an ending and a beginning of production, a place where subjects are free to be themselves, yet are faced with the anxiety of empty time to fill by subjects alienated by the weakening of personal ties. Bereft of thick social relations, consumer goods fill the gaps as atomized tokens of individualized work processes. These objects act as talismans against the social void they obscure, sparing us the trauma of facing directly our lack of solidarity. When the demand to help those near us confronts us in the form of a plea, an accusation, or merely the questioning gaze of a work colleague, we realize we are unprepared to meet this demand.A growing discussion is emerging around the relationality of individuals in work contexts, the relational subject, the people of organization. But what about the time of organization? If the workweek is the space of mundane ethics, the ethics of codes, rules and norms, of responsibilities, then the weekend has its own ethics, the messianic, liminal ethics of the sabbatical, where individuals ritualistically invoke the love behind the law. In the mythical space of work/leisure, if the workweek serves for the production of goods, the weekend serves for the reproduction of society. If the workweek works on standardized, linear time, the weekend comes to symbolize unstructured spontaneity. These two spheres co-constitute each other, the weekend giving meaning to the workweek, which frames and nourishes the weekend. Opposed, the two times exist in a tenuous balance.I reflect on the timing of work and leisure in response to a certain uneasiness I felt when watching the film 2 Days, 1 Night (2 Jours 1 Nuit) by Jean-Pierre and Luc Dardenne, one Saturday afternoon, with the goal of relating the film to contemporary understandings of work and organizations. The prima facie relation was obvious – a film about a firing, a burnout, the roller coaster of contingent work, the theater of workplace democracy faced with the brutal reality of self-interest. I combed through the many work-related themes, from the personal to the societal, from anxiety to alienation, searching for the hermeneutic key that would reveal to me the complexities of modern work as portrayed in the film. Yet a lingering question remained with me – where was the work in this film?I was struck, then, by the ironic fact that the film, a tour de force about working life, took place almost entirely on the weekend. It was right there in the title – 2 days, 1 night. The movie began just as the boss was leaving work, drew us inexorably through a Saturday and Sunday that seemed both endless and exhausting and yet all-too-quick, and ended at the beginning of the work week. I was left with the lingering question of why a movie whose focal point is labor relations would so obviously situate the action outside of the temporality of work, even taking the title of those few moments outside of the working week.Despite the volumes that have been written about the intensification of work and the erosion of leisure, a quick search revealed that the weekend was a largely untheorized domain, perhaps an off-limits area where work considered taboo, at best a protected space whose social status had been won through historical struggle and whose subsequent erosion was a source of nostalgic lamentation. Perhaps scholars of work, I mused, had better things to do on a Saturday than write about the weekend. Watching a film, however, seemed to be a legitimate weekend activity, and I felt thus justified in using this film to enter into an exploration of the uses of leisure. Whether the film presented a welcome catharsis from the workweek, or a Trojan Horse bringing workplace issues into the leisure sphere, 2 Days 1 Night seemed to offer an experiment in cinematic representation that was worth exploring.In the present case, it must be said that watching this film is far from leisure; a hard film to sit through, it enacts through its pace the slow but urgent ticking away toward a moment of confrontation – with one's own demons, with one's boss, and most of all with one's colleagues. Each shuffle-step of Marion Cotillard's hesitant moments of encounter presents us the dread of a women who must face the judgment of her peers, as she demands the reinstatement of a social bond that has long been forgotten. Should she be expected to disrupt her colleagues' hobbies, their shopping and drinking, their moments with their families, to stir up the injustice that they all face? Are her demands unfair, or just? As her colleagues ask her over the telephone or as she rings their doorbell – can't this wait until Monday?

While a generalized utility maximization approach to migration decision‐making is not innovative, the principal extensions of this paper involve the search for an instrument capable of measuring changes in utility levels consistent with all preferences (i.e., with all forms of utility functions), requiring only data on observed behaviour. Our approach is to construct a Location‐Specific Utility Index (LSUI), whose component variables serve as proxies for the arguments in households' utility functions. The LSUI is calculated for households at two times (before and after the migration decision) and then compared to produce a utility change index (the Delta Index) for each household. The approach is distinctive in that the Delta Index measures only the direction of the change in a household's utility level due to its migration. The ordinal nature of utility rankings thus is not violated through aggregation over housholds or cross‐sectional comparisons of utility levels.Our database is the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), a longitudinal nation‐wide sample survey conducted by the University of Michigan's Institute for Social Research. It provides information on more than two hundred variables per household per year. The objective is to test empirically whether migration is appropriately modelled as utility‐generating behaviour. The testable hypothesis is formulated as follows: Assuming constant household preferences and expansion of the household's feasible set over time, the household's utility level is greater following the migration decision. Stepwise discriminate analysis is used to measure the contributions of the component variables to the move decision. The conclusion reached through the stepwise discriminate analysis is that the LSUI and the Delta Index must be revised to include only six components: quality of life, proximity to relatives and cultural roots, net present value of future earnings, real household consumption activity by households to maximize utility.

Capitalism has made rationality into a pervasive feature of human action and yet, far from heralding a loss of emotionality, capitalist culture has been accompanied with an unprecedented intensification of emotional life. This raises a puzzle: how could we have become increasingly rationalized and more intensely emotional??Emotions as Commodities offers a simple hypothesis: that consumer acts and emotional life have become closely and inseparably intertwined with each other, each one defining and enabling the other. Commodities facilitate the experience of emotions, and so emotions are converted into commodities. The contributors of this volume present the co-production of emotions and commodities as a new type of commodity that has gone unseen and unanalyzed by theories of consumption – emodity. Indeed, this innovative book explores how emodity includes atmospherical or mood-producing commodities; relation-marking commodities and mental commodities, all of which the purpose it is to change and improve the self. Analysing a variety of modern day situations such as emotional management through music, creation of urban sexual atmospheres and emotional transformation through psychotherapy, Emotions as Commodities will appeal to scholars, postgraduate students and postdoctoral researchers interested in fields such as Sociology, Cultural Studies, Marketing, Anthropology and Consumer Studies.