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This article focuses on how Jews realized Israel on Palestine land. In realizing the dream, Jews established their movement, namely Zionism, to take Palestine over Ottoman Turkey. To analyze it, historical analysis and approach by library research are needed in collecting the data. The study revealed that there were two strategies of Zionism. The first strategy is releasing Palestine from Ottoman Turkey authority. The second strategy is how to take over Palestine land, which was occupied by Palestinian Arabian. The first strategy consists of several ways: insinuating into Ottoman Turkey government and lobbying big countries such as Britain, France, and the USA. The second strategy started by controlling economics in Palestine. The Jewish people who lived in Palestine did it. They terrorized Palestinian people; hence they refugeed and left their homeland. The third strategy is the war between Jews and Arabian which was won by the Jews. Therefore, Israel proclamation did not find any obstacles. However, the proclamation triggered a reaction from Arabian countries, so that it made never-ending conflicts. Eventually, the conflict becomes an international matter.

Due to the political context and the restrictions placed on general freedoms and trade union activities, workers' education in Palestine remained informal and largely reliant on oral memory until the early 1990s. For decades, it was an integral part of political education. Workers' education only became a stand-alone field after the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, when the change of circumstances enabled the Democracy and Workers' Rights Centre in Palestine to focus on developing training materials and curricula specifically aimed at strengthening the Palestinian labour movement. First inspired and modelled on materials and courses taught internationally, the Centre's labour education program has grown to encompass many locally produced materials and seeks to address specific challenges that face unions in Palestine.LA FORMATION DES TRAVAILLEURS EN PALESTINEJusqu'au début des années 1990, le contexte politique et les restrictions imposées aux libertés générales ainsi qu'aux activités syndicales étaient la raison pour laquelle la formation des travailleurs en Palestine soit demeurée informelle et largement tributaire de la mémoire orale. Durant plusieurs décennies, cette dernière était une partie intégrante de l'éducation politique. En fait, la formation des travailleurs est devenue un domaine à part entière à la suite de la création de l'Autorité palestinienne lorsqu'un changement de circonstances a permis au Democracy and Workers' Rights Centre, en Palestine, de se concentrer sur le développement de matériel de formation et de programmes visant à renforcer le mouvement ouvrier palestinien. Si, dans un premier temps, le Centre s'est inspiré et a calqué son matériel et ses cours sur l'offre internationale, le programme de formation des travailleurs a évolué de manière à inclure de nombreux contenus pédagogiques locaux. Il cherche aussi à répondre aux défis plus spécifiquement rencontrés par les syndicats en Palestine. ; Jusqu'au début des années 1990, le contexte politique et les restrictions imposées aux libertés générales ainsi qu'aux activités syndicales étaient la raison pour laquelle la formation des travailleurs en Palestine soit demeurée informelle et largement tributaire de la mémoire orale. Durant plusieurs décennies, cette dernière était une partie intégrante de l'éducation politique. En fait, la formation des travailleurs est devenue un domaine à part entière à la suite de la création de l'Autorité palestinienne lorsqu'un changement de circonstances a permis au Democracy and Workers' Rights Centre, en Palestine, de se concentrer sur le développement de matériel de formation et de programmes visant à renforcer le mouvement ouvrier palestinien. Si, dans un premier temps, le Centre s'est inspiré et a calqué son matériel et ses cours sur l'offre internationale, le programme de formation des travailleurs a évolué de manière à inclure de nombreux contenus pédagogiques locaux. Il cherche aussi à répondre aux défis plus spécifiquement rencontrés par les syndicats en Palestine.

The contents of this thesis give an archaeological picture of the civilization of Palestine (the land of Canaan) in the middle-Bronze II Period c.1800-1550 B.C. The citizens of this part of the world were sharing in the general civilization of the coastal area of Syria. They had, of course, close connections with the rest of the Near East. The Geographical formation of the land tended to accentuate local differences, a condition which is favourable to a political organization based on the city-state. We may presume that each city-state had its chieftain, sheikh, or tribal leader, as in the period of the Amarna Letters. To call these chieftains, sheikhs, and tribal leaders "Hyksos" is a misnomer, because they were not foreigners to Palestine. The basic culture of Palestine in the Middle-Bronze II Period (the so-called Hyksos) does not reveal any break in the continuity of the preceding phase. It has always been stated that the Hyksos are bands of warriors. By the available archaeological evidence they impress us rather as a Peace-loving-people ruled by their chieftains, sheikhs or tribal leaders. They had never used the horse and the chariot as a war technique in Palestine and Egypt until possibly in their last struggle against the Egyptians before they were expelled from the country, i.e. our Phase V or the XVIII Dynasty. Their daggers were not as efficient as those of earlier and later periods. They hardly used the spear (if at all) at the very early period of our Phase IIA i.e. 1750 B.C., though it was in comaon use in the Middle-Bronze I Period. The use of the bow and arrow in the early Phases of our period is also uncertain. However, in Phase V there is slight evidence of their use but they are not as comaon as in the Late Bronze Period. The archaeological evidence from a number of sites suggests that there was a state of instability. This was most probably one of the main reasons for the decline in their standard of living recognized in every aspect of their life. This feature of decline, with-a quantitative prosperity, could be compared with Palestine nowadays.

I enter the conversation and the celebration for the centenary of Paulo Freire from a feminist perspective that enhances a critical reading of political Zionism and the State of Israel as a settler colonial project in Palestine. In this paper I seek to transcend Zionist essentialist nationalist paradigms by shedding light on what it means to deconstruct the Master consciousness while "feeling at home" (Ahmed, 2006). I would like to suggest that enabling the "disorientation of encountering the world differently" (ibid.) is a learning process that involves engaging in a profound transformation of consciousness. ; peer-reviewed

Published each issue, this section strives to capture the tenor and content of popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict, which are held on dynamic platforms unbound by traditional media. Therefore, items presented in this section are from a variety of sources and have been selected because they either have gone viral or represent a significant cultural moment or trend. Stories from this quarter (16 February–15 May 2020) are influenced by the Covid-19 global pandemic. In light of the health threat, Nakba Day protests go virtual and Gaza receives global public attention. Also included is the story of Ramadan TV programming with a political agenda. Trending hashtags this quarter are #Nakba72 and #KeyToJustince.

Publishedeach issue, this section strives to capture the tenorandcontentofpopular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict, which are held on dynamic platforms unbound by traditional media. Therefore, items presented in this section are from a variety of sources and have been selected because they either have gone viral or represent a significant cultural moment or trend. Stories from this quarter (16 November 2019–15 February 2020) cover the world's reaction to U.S. president Donald Trump's proposed Middle East "peace plan"; solidarity gestures for Palestinian photojournalist Muath Amarneh, who was shot by Israeli forces while documenting a protest; and a story on the insidious normalization of Israeli occupation as it manifested in the U.S. gameshow Jeopardy! Trending hashtags this quarter are #PeaceSham and #EyeOfTruth.

This quarter (May 16—August 15) was characterized by large-scale displays of solidarity on social media by organizers and activists in Gaza, Haifa, the West Bank, and Ireland. In this issue, the Great March of Return enters its 20th consecutive week of demonstrations, Palestinians in the West Bank cities of Nablus and Ramallah protest PA sanctions against Gaza and security cooperation with Israel, Palestinian activists show their gratitude to Ireland as a bill to outlaw settlement products moves one step closer to becoming law, and free speech advocates from around the world show their support for convicted Palestinian poet-activist Dareen Tatour. Trending hashtags this issue are #GreatReturnMarch #ThankYouIreland, #LifttheSanctions, and #FreeDareen.

Palestinians dealt with a confluence of events this quarter (16 February–15 May 2018) that kept interrelated issues alive on social media platforms. Land Day and the seventieth year of the 1948 Nakba were marked by the Great March of Return in Gaza, launched on 30 March, and the symbolic opening of the U.S. embassy in Jerusalem on 14 May. Palestinians in the Gaza Strip staged weeks-long protests against the ten-year Israeli siege of the enclave and demanded the right of return for refugees. Others in the occupied Palestinian territories and in Israel took to the streets in solidarity and also to protest the relocation of the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem.

Published each issue and presented on an ongoing basis on the JPS website, this section strives to capture the tenor and content of popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Increasingly, these conversations are held on new and dynamic platforms unbound by traditional media. Therefore, items presented in this section are from a variety of sources, and have been selected because they either have gone viral or represent a significant cultural moment or trend.

Published each issue and presented on an ongoing basis on the JPS website, this section strives to capture the tenor and content of popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Increasingly, these conversations are held on new and dynamic platforms unbound by traditional media. Therefore, items presented in this section are from a variety of sources, and have been selected because they either have gone viral or represent a significant cultural moment or trend.