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Police corruption is a serious problem in many Asian countries. However, Singapore's case shows that it is possible to prevent & control police corruption if there is the political will to do so. After analysing various forms of police corruption, this article recognises that police corruption was rampant in Singapore during the British colonial period, but that since then, through the commitment of the People's Action Party government to curbing corruption in the country, the Singapore Police Force has succeeded in preventing & minimising police corruption. It has done this by improving its salaries & working conditions, its recruitment & selection procedures, its training programmes, & the socialisation of its members. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Police departments in the United States have been increasingly involved in placing their sworn officers in off-duty jobs. Individual officers, commanders or union representatives in a number of police agencies earn commissions by brokering off-duty jobs for fellow officers, a practice the US Department of Jus tice characterized as an "artery of corruption" in the New Orleans Police Department. In response to actual or potential corruption by entrepreneurial officers and unions acting as employment brokers, many police agencies now directly place officers in off-duty jobs. Corruption has tainted agency-managed officer placements as well, leading to corruption charges against Pittsburgh's Police Chief and bringing into stark relief how departments generate business and account for commissions earned by placing fully uniformed officers in private employment via "police details"—as the practice is commonly called. This paper looks at "police details" in terms of the realized and potential types of corruption they engender, and the kinds of off-duty employment activities that pose integrity threats, both for the individuals involved and for their law enforcement agencies. The paper concludes by discussing public policy questions raised when police agencies and officers monetize taxpayer-funded training, symbols of office and equipment in order to command premium wages in off-duty employment.

Singapore has shown that it's possible to prevent and control police corruption. (Asia Pac J Public Adm/NIAS-Han)

Historically, establishing a judicial commission in response to allegations of police corruption has been a regular method used by Australian governments. In Queensland alone, no less than five major inquiries with a remit to examine police corruption took place during the 27 years between 1963 and 1989. By using historical criminology, it is possible to unpack the cyclical need for such commissions as well as the reasons that most were unable to realise their goal to stamp out corruption in the public service and, more specifically, the police. This research reveals several key areas of weakness in the temporary inquiry system, including narrow terms of reference and the potential for obstruction in the investigatory process. Based on this, this article identifies several viable policy proposals centred on a renewed commitment to standing anti‑corruption bodies, separate from politics and with a broad remit to investigate police misconduct.

The Nigeria Police Force is widely perceived by the public as the most corrupt and violent institution in Nigeria in a way that is not evidently insincere. In light of the generalization and banalization of police corruption and deviance, it is surprising that few works have addressed this problem that most directly affects the aggrieved Nigerian public. This article critically examines the embeddedness and ramifications of police corruption and deviance in Nigeria. The article is historically anchored and foregrounds colonial and military administrative policies that inculcated a strategy of corruption by coercion in the Nigeria Police Force.