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Active participation in political parties is an important condition for the functioning of political democracy. On the political Left, however, the role of the party activist is under pressure from both internal and external changes in the political culture. Catching up with continental European socialist parties, the leadership of the British Labour Party has progressively changed policy priorities and now its socialist ideology. Externally, `new social movements' are said to be promoting new political aims and new forms of activism. A case-study of the influence of these factors on the commitment and participation of members, and ex-members, of a typical southern constituency Labour Party suggests that `new social movements' do not constitute a rival attraction to these members, ex-members, and activists. Their commitment is, however, being reduced by personal economic and social pressures and their dissonant adherence to traditional values of British socialism. To the extent that political involvement depends on motivation by values or ideological principles this study suggests a decline in party political activism, and a possible obstacle to a `grass roots' recovery by Labour in Southern England.

The study of political activism has grown significantly within the last fifty years. Political participation was always the cornerstone of research in political science, but the advent of comparative political behavior studies and quantitative analysis has paved the way for data-driven investigations of who votes, why people participate and what types of political activities citizens prefer. This article is an introduction to the main scholarship in political participation studies, its evolution since the beginning, the shift in focus from conventional activism to unconventional engagement, up to the most recent innovation of digital participation. The political behavior field has showed how citizens are not necessarily prepared to be polit-ical animals, how political interest and opportunities play a role in the levels of participation recorded and how individuals may choose newer, confrontational modes of political expression that better fit their needs. In the end, the entire development of this field of research highlights once more the relevance of political action, especially with regards to how participation has changed in Europe, over time and across borders.

AbstractResearch commonly finds that citizens are loss averse: they dislike losses far more than similarly sized gains. One implication is that arguments for policy change framed in terms of losses to be avoided often have a larger impact on public opinion than arguments framed in terms of gains to be enjoyed. Although several scholars have observed this pattern with respect to public opinion, we know far less about the effect of loss- and gain-framed arguments on political activism. This is a critical omission given the disproportionate impact of political activists on the policymaking process. Using field and survey experiments, we investigate the impact of gain- and loss-framed arguments on climate change activism. We find that loss-framed arguments can be less mobilizing, even when they are otherwise more persuasive, than gain-framed arguments. Our results deepen our theoretical understanding of what motivates political activism, especially in an era of professionalized politics.

Nowadays political activism can be considered as a form of theatre: its strategies and tactics often employ the means proposed by Brecht and other thinkers of the political theatre. However, there is a paradox if artistic activism is being practised exclusively in the artistic context, it can find itself in a deadlock. The article is dedicated to the phenomenon of artistic activism, exploring such examples as protest movements born in the UK "Reclaim the Streets" and "Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army", "Nano-rallies" in Barnaul, Russia, the act of "The Standing Man" in Turkey, and the activities in media space by the American activist collective "The Yes Men". The artists create the language and aesthetics of protest merging the borders of life, art and protest.

While it was not until 1871 that slavery in Cuba was finally abolished, African-descended people had high hopes for legal, social, and economic advancement as the republican period started. In Black Political Activism and the Cuban Republic, Melina Pappademos analyzes the racial politics and culture of black civic and political activists during the Cuban Republic. The path to equality, Pappademos reveals, was often stymied by successive political and economic crises, patronage politics, and profound racial tensions. In the face of these issues, black political leaders and members of black social clubs developed strategies for expanding their political authority and for winning respectability and socioeconomic resources. Rather than appeal to a monolithic black Cuban identity based on the assumption of shared experience, these black activists, politicians, and public intellectuals consistently recognized the class, cultural, and ideological differences that existed within the black community, thus challenging conventional wisdom about black community formation and anachronistic ideas of racial solidarity. Pappademos illuminates the central, yet often silenced, intellectual and cultural role of black Cubans in the formation of the nation's political structures; in doing so, she shows that black activism was only partially motivated by race.

Some advocacy groups are becoming more willing to engage in political activism. One is the Ontario Lung Association, which has been calling attention to government inaction on air-pollution issues such as controlling smog and improving indoor air quality. These lobbying efforts are supported by some physicians, who believe that environmental factors are behind the increased incidence of respiratory illness.

We analyse 1234 judicial decisions to estimate political activism amongst judges arbitrating dismissal disputes in Australian labour courts. The political colour of the appointing political party and judges' work background affect probability of employee

We analyse 1234 judicial decisions to estimate political activism amongst judges arbitrating dismissal disputes in Australian labour courts. The political colour of the appointing political party and judges' work background affect probability of employee

AbstractIn 2020, Black Americans voted in historic numbers in the US presidential election. Black women political activists were instrumental in navigating voter suppression to increase voter turnout among Black communities. Here, I draw linkages between Patricia Hill Collins's conceptualization of motherwork and Black women's political activism. I reconceptualize Black women's motherwork as a political tool for preparing Black women for political candidacy to address issues that threaten Black family stability. I provide a conceptual history of motherwork and map out what Black women's political motherwork looks like for families and communities. I conclude with theoretical, analytical, and practical implications for family scientists to consider when using Black political motherwork in their scholarship and practice.

"Daniel Mikecz addresses in this study the tensions between oppositional civil society and party-political actors. As successive elections demonstrate the increasing confidence of the illiberal regime of Viktor Orban, left and liberal parties of the opposition have faced a prolonged crisis in credibility. At the same time, the civil society has not been immobile, and bottom-up initiatives, social and political movements, and non-governmental organizations have gained momentum in the public sphere. The ruling power is also active in the extra-parliamentary political arena. Through national consultations, Peace Marches, and other means, Orban's governing Fidesz party has mobilized voters outside of election campaigns and has implemented a so-called movement governance. The study offers a vivid examination of this top-down or astroturf mobilization of the regime. Mikecz identifies the different patterns of activism and creates a coherent typology. He describes in detail each kind of activism based on opinion surveys, protest surveys and content analysis. The categorization and comprehensive exploration of civil movements provide a deep understanding of the mechanisms of illiberal postcommunist regimes"--