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"Women and Political Power in Brazil" published on by Oxford University Press.

Front cover; Title Page; Copyright Page; Dedication; Table of Contents; List of Figures; Preface; Introduction to the New Edition; Part I: The Original Text; 1. Introduction; 2. Rational Choice and a Theory of Action; 3. Preferences and Objective Interests; 4. Political Power and Bargaining Theory; 5. Collective Action and Dimensions of Power; 6. State Power Structures; 7. Preference Formation, Social Location and Ideology; 8. Conclusions; Part II: Postscript; 9. Some Further Thoughts on Power; 10. The Nature of the Exercise; Endnotes; Bibliography; Index; Back cover

Citizenship is an underlying aspect of our geopolitical landscape and everyday political experiences. Citizenship is often accepted as a natural and universal form of legal and/or political membership that binds a nation to a territorial state; however, citizenship is a multidimensional and polyvalent construct that can be applied to critically examine the intersection of relational and spatial power. I operationalize citizenship as an embodied and enacted form of capital, a valued resource and form of distinction, whereby state-ascribed political power is relationally and spatially differentiated and fragmented. I utilize this critical interpretation by examining the ongoing Estonian citizenship dilemma. Drawing on my methodological engagement with Estonian Russian-speakers in Narva and Tallinn, Estonia, I examine the relationships among Russian-speakers' embodied and enacted citizenship capital and political power in Estonia. Through a mixed-methodological approach that emphasizes descriptive citizenship narratives, I illustrate how and why Estonian Russian-speakers embody and enact citizenship through their own perceptions, practices, and identities. Although Estonia and Estonian Russian-speakers provide a unique research site to explore citizenship and political power, this geographic example brings to the fore much broader theoretical and practical implications by elucidating how minorities of disparate citizenship statuses and spatial communities engage with place, citizenship, nationalizing states, and democratic processes.

Contemporary studies of political power have often been based on the belief that the major determinants in the struggle for power may be ascertained by analyzing the social stratification of a society. This belief is supported by the following series of more or less tacit assumptions: The ideas and actions of men are conditioned by their social and economic position in society. When large number of individuals occupy a comparable social position, they may be expected to think and act alike. They are likely to share social and economic interests which are promoted—in competition or conflict with other social groups—through political organization and interest-representation. Hence, a study of politics should be concerned with the social composition of the members and leaders of different political organizations; this kind of knowledge will provide a clue to the power which such organizations can exert and to the political goals which their leaders are likely to pursue.I wish to examine the relation between stratification and politics in four respects:(1) How did Marx deal with the problem of social stratification and political power?(2) What insight into the relation between stratification and politics can be gained from retrospective investigations?(3) Does a knowledge of social stratification enable us to understand the development of totalitarian movements and their conquest of power?

In a canonical model of sequential collective bargaining over a divisible good we show that equilibrium expected payoffs are not restricted by players' voting rights or their impatience. For all monotonic voting rules and discount factors, and for all divisions of the good among players, there exists a stationary proposal‐making rule such that this division represents players' expected payoffs in a Stationary Subgame Perfect Nash equilibrium in pure strategies. The result highlights the significance of proposal rights in determining political power in collective deliberations.

Most of the debate over gun control policy has slighted the possible relationship between such policies and the distribution of political power. Five political functions of firearms control laws are discussed and examples are provided.

Political science is in large part the study of power, but power itself is difficult to measure. We argue that we can use newspaper coverage—in particular, the relative amount of space devoted to particular subjects in newspapers—to measure the relative power of an important set of political actors and offices. We use a new dataset containing nearly 50 million historical newspaper pages from 2,700 local US newspapers over the years 1877–1977. We define and discuss a measure of power we develop based on observed word frequencies, and we validate it through a series of analyses. Overall, we find that the relative coverage of political actors and of political offices is a strong indicator of political power for the cases we study. To illustrate its usefulness, we then apply the measure to understand when (and where) state party committees lost their power. Taken together, the paper sheds light on the nature of political news coverage and offers both a new dataset and a new measure for studying political power in a wide set of contexts.