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Originally published in 1882, in the collection of short-stories Papéis Avulsos, A Sereníssima República has as central theme the description of the political corruption, especially in the electoral context. The story also discusses how an ideal model (e.g. democracy), even if just, can be distorted in different ways, when subjected to practice. Also, the narrative shows all possible tricks of acquisition and retention of power. On the use of different textual resources: it is a tale, with the typical structure of this genre, which tells of a conference of Cônego Vargas that disseminates the scientific discovery about the world of spiders, with all the philosophical and scientific rigor inherent in this type of discourse. At this moment the text acquires the characteristics of a fable. With a distinctive wit and irony, the writer develops a critical reflection about the popular consultation and the consequent irregular political manipulation of this process. On the basis of Machado de Assis" story this paper will enlarge the discussion, noting how his story can provide a critical and interpretative key to the interpretation of direct democracy in contemporary Latin America.

The Australian industrial relations landscape has changed significantly. An increasingly hostile political environment and the emergence of human resource management (HRM) have seen the role of union voice decline significantly. Drawing on responses from the 2004 Australian Worker Representation and Participation Survey (AWRPS), this article examines the incidence and predictors of joint consultation, and employees' perceptions of the effectiveness of joint consultation. The study finds that joint consultation is a popular feature of the workplace. Joint consultation was highest in unionized workplaces, and the presence of a union and favourable management attitudes to unions are statistically significant predictors of joint consultative committees (JCC). Employees also report JCCs to be highly effective. The article concludes that joint consultation, as an alternative mechanism in Australian workplaces, is viewed as an effective form of voice.

A partir de un punto de vista jurídico, el artículo presenta las razones por las cuales el Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Estados Unidos y los países andinos no debe ser sometido a una consulta popular. Un análisis conceptual apoya el argumento central del autor, quien sostiene que el TLC por ser un tratado internacional no debe ser objeto de aprobación o desaprobación por parte del pueblo, ya que éste carece de la facultad necesaria para tal fin. Finalmente Ortiz señala que más allá de lo jurídico, las condiciones de educación de la población ecuatoriana y el manejo político que se le puede dar a la consulta, son aspectos que problematizan el desarrollo de una consulta popular. ; By assuming a legal point of view, this article argues that the US-Andean Free Trade Agreement should not be approved by a popular referendum. According to legal doctrines and concepts, the free trade agreement is an international treaty, therefore, the people are not entitled to decide whether or not it should be approved. It is also posited that a popular referendum could become very problematic due to factors related to the educational levels of the Ecuadorian population and the political uses of the consultation.

Legitimize and validate the Peace Accords of Colombia taking place in Havana (Cuba), it is not only the responsibility of the current president or the Congress of the Republic, is a burden that history and the international community will assess and judge, so must be a decision by the majority of Colombians. The international community in the light of international humanitarian law will decide whether there were excesses impunity and infringe the rights of victims. There is an uncertainty in the government and the rebel group that are part of the negotiating table by the form or legal instrument that is used to validate and legitimize the peace talks and all concessions are granted there who were considered enemies State. The research paper gives a description of the possible legal instruments that could be applied in legitimizing and validating the peace agreements; A type of legal basic research reviewing the constitutional order, the constitutional law, jurisprudence, doctrines and some authors apply. It starts from the inductive to the deductive, search sources of institutional, international, and printed media and virtual communication secondary information. As a result, a description of existing legal instruments is made and proposed by the government and the rebels, from the perspective of analysis of the current national and international policy. In conclusion we can say that the parties should consider holding the legal term "National Constituent Assembly" to legitimize and validate the agreed topics in the negotiating table Havana ; Legitimar y validar los acuerdos de Paz de Colombia que se realizan en la Habana (Cuba), no sólo es responsabilidad del actual presidente o del Congreso de la república, es un peso que la historia y la comunidad internacional evaluará y juzgará, por eso debe ser una decisión que tome la mayoría de los colombianos. La Comunidad Internacional a la luz del Derecho Internacional Humanitario se pronunciará si hubo impunidad y excesos que lesionan los derechos de las víctimas. Hay una incertidumbre en el gobierno y el grupo de rebeldes que hacen parte de la mesa de negociaciones por la forma o instrumento jurídico que se utilice para validar y legitimar los diálogos de paz y todas las concesiones que allí se otorguen a quienes han sido considerados enemigos del Estado. El artículo de investigación hace una descripción de los posibles instrumentos jurídicos que podrían ser aplicados en la legitimación y validación de los acuerdos de paz; se aplica un tipo de investigación básica jurídica que revisa el ordenamiento constitucional, el bloque de constitucionalidad, jurisprudencias, y algunos autores. Se parte de lo inductivo a lo deductivo, consultando fuentes de información secundaria institucional, internacional y de los medios de comunicación impresos y virtuales. Como resultados se hace una descripción de los instrumentos jurídicos existentes y los propuestos por el gobierno y los subversivos, desde una perspectiva de análisis de la política actual nacional e internacional. Como conclusión se puede afirmar que las partes deberán considerar la celebración de la figura jurídica "La Asamblea Nacional Constituyente" para legitimar y validar los temas concertados en la mesa de negociación de la Habana

Los resultados y los efectos del referéndum y consulta popular del 7 de mayo permiten señalar que el liderazgo de Correa –aun que debilitado- persiste con una oposición fragmentada. La configuración del régimen político apunta a la persistencia en la concentración del poder en el ejecutivo con una ges tión pública que se articula alrededor de la figura del líder y su capacidad mediática.

In Lateinamerika setzen Protestakteure im Rahmen von Konflikten um Bergbau zunehmend direktdemokratische Verfahren als Mittel des Protests ein. Seit 2002 fanden in sechs Ländern der Region 91 lokale "Volksentscheide" (consultas populares) statt. Unter welchen Bedingungen es zum Einsatz solcher Verfahren kommt und welche politischen Effekte sie haben, ist Gegenstand des vorliegenden Working Papers. Die Analyse basiert auf eigenen Forschungen zur Mobilisierung von consultas in Kolumbien und bestehenden Fallanalysen. Gezeigt wird, dass sich der Einsatz direktdemokratischer Verfahren in Anti- Bergbauprotesten durch ein Zusammenspiel aus langfristigen politisch-institutionellen Wandelprozessen (Institutionalisierung politischer Rechte und Verfahren direkter Beteiligung), kurzfristigen Veränderungen struktureller Kontextbedingungen (lokale Regierungswechsel, Gesetzesänderungen, neue Allianzen) sowie (in-)direkten Mechanismen der Verbreitung erklärt. Politische Effekte von consultas zeigen sich in Bezug auf Projektverläufe (Änderung, Verzögerung von Projektplänen), strukturelle Kontextbedingungen (Machtverhältnis zwischen nationalen und lokalen Regierungen, Partizipation in bergbaupolitischen Entscheidungen), Mobilisierung, Bewusstseinsbildung sowie politisches Agendasetting. ; In Latin America social actors and local politicians increasingly apply popular consultations in conflicts over mining as a means of protest. Since 2002 91 so called consultas populares have been taken place. The Working Paper at hand examines under what conditions procedures of direct democracy become a means of protest against mining, and with what political effects. The analysis builds on own research in Colombia and existing case studies. It shows, that the occurrence of popular consultations as a means of protest results from the interplay between long-term changes in political-institutional structures (institutionalization of political rights and forms of direct participation), short-term changes in political opportunities (change of local government, passing of a new law, new alliances), as well as direct and indirect mechanisms of diffusion. Political effects of consultas are changes in the design and timetable of mining projects. Furthermore consultas have an effect on mobilization, awareness raising, political agenda setting, and on structural context conditions such as the power relations between the national and local governments or social participation in mining issues.

Selected official statements from UN and US sources. Includes text of UN Security Council resolutions 1246 (June 11, 1999), 1257 (Aug. 3, 1999), and 1262 (Aug. 27, 1999), the Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia and the Portuguese Republic on the question of East Timor (May 5, 1999), and the East Timor popular consultation (May 5, 1999).

El régimen del gobierno actual en nuestro país ofrece evidencia del conflicto entre la consulta popular y la consulta previa a pueblos indígenas, materializado en el proyecto del Tren Maya. La maquinaria parlamentaria avanza con una serie de reformas que al parecer ponen en entredicho nuestro marco constitucional, pues la iniciativa por la que se pretende reformar y adicionar los Artículos 35, 36, 41, 73, 81, 83, 99, 116 y 122 de la Constitución Política, en materia de consulta popular y revocación de mandato, parece poner en riesgo el modelo democrático, pues no sólo desatiende la norma constitucional, sino incluso el bloque de constitucionalidad que entiende tanto los instrumentos internacionales de derechos humanos en materia de derechos de pueblos indígenas, como la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. ; The current government regime in México offers evidence of the conflict between the popular consultation and the prior consultation of indigenous peoples materialized in the Tren Maya project. The parliamentary machinery is moving forward with a series of reforms that apparently call into question our constitutional framework, as the initiative that seeks to reform and add articles 35, 36, 41, 73, 81, 83, 99, 116 and 122 of The Constitution, in terms of popular consultation and revocation of mandate, seems to put at risk the democratic model, since it not only disregards the constitutional norm, but also the constitutionality block that understands both the international human rights instruments in the area of human rights. indigenous peoples, such as the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

Despite the flourishing of the issue of the "incidence of civil society organizations" (CSOs) in public policies, the reality shows a rough picture. This article looks into the Mexican and Ecuadoran cases, assessing the real possibilities of influencing structural reforms such as those of the energy sector. Not being able to participate on issues related to the people tells that these CSOs are in the outer spectrum of influence. Based on what is analyzed here, big economic enterprises not only are the real actors in the decision making process but also the ones who are engaging in monopolistic behavior. In this context, neither CSOs nor social movements have much effect and influence. However, current public polling and a coordinated effort of societal groups might generate proper course of political initiatives to move away from this current trend. ; A pesar del florecimiento del tema de la "incidencia de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil" (OSC) en las políticas públicas, la realidad muestra un panorama escabroso. El presente artículo profundiza en los casos de México y Ecuador, valorando cuáles han sido las posibilidades reales de incidir en reformas de carácter estructural como las del sector energético. La desactivación de las oportunidades de participación ciudadana muestra hasta qué punto este nivel permanece fuera de alcance de las OSC. Según lo analizado, parece corroborarse que el pulso se está definiendo no sólo por la acción de grandes conglomerados de intereses económicos sino además por la potente defensa del monopolio del ejercicio político por determinados profesionales. En ese escenario de alta impermeabilidad, ni las OSC profesionalizadas ni los movimientos sociales tienen muchas alternativas de actuación. No obstante, el desarrollo de campañas de opinión y la coordinación de fuerzas afines pueden generar un acumulado que dé curso a iniciativas políticas ante una coyuntura propicia. ; Apesar do florescimento do tema da "incidência das organizações da sociedade civil" (OSC) nas políticas públicas, a realidade mostra um panorama escabroso. O presente artigo aprofunda nos casos do México e do Equador, valorizando quais têm sido as possibilidades reais de incidir nas reformas de caráter estrutural, como as do setor energético. A desativação das oportunidades departicipação cidadã mostra até que ponto este nível permanece fora do alcance das OSC. Segundo o analisado, parece confirmar-se que o pulso está se definindo, não somente na ação dos grandes conglomerados de interesses econômicos, mas também pela potente defesa do monopólio do exercício político por determinados profissionais. Nesse cenário de alta impermeabilidade, nem as OSC profissionalizadas nem os movimentos sociais têm muitas alternativas de atuação. Contudo, o desenvolvimento das campanhas de opinião e a coordenação de forças afins podem gerar um agrupamento que dê curso às iniciativas políticas diante de uma conjuntura propícia.

En el siguiente aparte presentamos diferentes casos representativos de populismo penal en Argentina, El Salvador, Colombia y Ecuador.

HOW DOES A NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION (NGO) INFLUENCE GOVERNMENTS TO ADOPT INTERNATIONAL LAWS AND PROCEDURES LIMITING STATE POWER? THIS ARTICLE ASSESSES HOW A LEADING NGO, THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF JURISTS (ICJ) HAS PROMOTED NEW HUMAN RIGHTS LAWS AND INSTITUTIONS AT THE GLOBAL, REGIONAL, AND NATIONAL LEVELS, IT EXPLORES NGO LEADERSHIP/COLLABORATION, EXPERT DRAFTING /CONSULTATION, CONTACTS WITH GOVERNMENT LEADERS AND ADMINISTRATIVE FOLLOW-UP /IMPLEMENTATION.

En este estudio se identificó, describió y planteó soluciones con respecto a los obstáculos enfrentados por los ciudadanos para ejercer su derecho constitucional de decidir mediante consulta popular, la presencia de actividad minera en su territorio (Pijao, Córdoba, Salento, Calarcá, Quindío). Esta investigación aplicada comprende un periodo de estudio desde 1998 hasta 2018; sus métodos de recolección y consolidación de la información correspondieron a entrevistas semiestructuradas, líneas de tiempo y análisis de redes en cada uno de los municipios, así como con actores relevantes. Mediante entrevistas semiestructuradas se reconoció como obstáculo principal la falta de compromiso gubernamental para garantizar los derechos y la consulta popular; este hallazgo coincide con lo señalado en las líneas de tiempo hechas. El análisis de redes mostró que las alcaldías, el consejo y la comunidad son nodos importantes, se hace la observación especialmente en el caso de Salento donde la personería sobresale por su trabajo en defensa del territorio. Se concluye que el gobierno ha vulnerado el derecho constitucional para con sus ciudadanos así como desconocer los principios de coordinación y concurrencia, en relación entes Estatales; por su parte "Marcha Carnaval" es reconocida tanto por los actores como por el estudio como un espacio ciudadano eficiente para los procesos de participación ciudadana, ejerciendo presión sobre las agendas políticas, y articulándose con otros actores que de igual manera facilitan el ejercicio efectivo de los derechos en pugna. ; On this study we identified, described and proposed solutions regarding the obstacles faced by citizens to exercise their constitutional right to decide through popular consultation, the presence of mining activity in their territory (Pijao, Córdoba, Salento, Calarcá, Quindío). This applied research includes a period of study from 1998 to 2018; Their methods of gathering and consolidating the information corresponded to semi-structured interviews, timelines and network analysis in each of the municipalities, as well as with relevant actors. Through semi-structured interviews, the lack of government commitment to guarantee rights and popular consultation was recognized as a major obstacle; This finding coincides with what was stated in the timelines. The analysis of networks showed that the mayors' offices, the council and the community are important nodes, the observation is made especially in the case of Salento where the legal standing stands out for its work in defense of the territory. It is concluded that the government has violated the constitutional right to its citizens as well as ignoring the principles of coordination and concurrence, in relation to State entities; For its part, "Carnival March" is recognized by both actors and the study as an efficient citizen space for citizen participation processes, exerting pressure on political agendas, and articulating with other actors that also facilitate the effective exercise of the rights in conflict.

Conducting a public consultation is a popular way to draw on wider expertise in framing legislation in the UK. In Wales, low scrutinising capacity of a relatively small legislative chamber and limited civil service resources to prepare legislation may contribute to the popularity of consultations. Public consultations may also resonate with themes of inclusion and participation in Welsh governance. The Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Bill was the first large legislative project of the Welsh Government since gaining primary law making powers in 2011. This case study investigated the public consultation (conducted at Stage 1) for this bill in 2013. It used a coding matrix to analyse the submissions to the consultation. The findings reveal that individuals and organisations may struggle to effectively influence legislation. Using van Damme and Brans' interpretative framework, the article locates the findings within the context of citizen participation, consultation techniques and discusses the usefulness of analysing submissions as part of consultation evaluations. In addition, the article makes a case for triangulating a documentary analysis of submissions with conventional qualitative evidence in future consultation research.