Suchergebnisse

Researchers in peace and conflict studies have rarely focused on time and temporality. This article seeks to extend the literature on the politics of victimhood by examining the context of a mature post-transition society, drawing on qualitative research with victims/survivors of gross human rights violations in South Africa. Two decades after the democratic transition, there is a prevalent understanding that it is finally time for victims to 'move on'. In contrast to the supposed linear temporality of peace processes however, the consequences of past violence continue to impact on interviewees' lives and are exacerbated by contemporary experiences of victimisation. I identify several areas of temporal conflict that characterise post-conflict societies: victimhood as temporary/ victimhood as continuous; the pace of national reconciliation/ the time(s) of individual healing; and the speed of a neoliberal economy/ the pace of social transformation. I also examine temporal inequalities that reflect broader socio-economic marginalisation, such as being made to wait for reparations. This temporal analysis of victimhood not only highlights the mismatch between victims' perceptions and needs and the expectations of broader society, but it also draws attention to the temporality of transitional processes and programmes at different social and institutional levels.

"Am 31. Juli 2007 hat der UN-Sicherheitsrat beschlossen, eine 26.000 Mann starke Friedenstruppe nach Darfur zu entsenden, die dort eine Mission der Afrikanischen Union ablöst. Das sind 9.000 Mann mehr als bei der bisher größten UN-Friedenstruppe in Afrika, der Mission de l'Organisation des Nations Unies en République Démocratique du Congo (MONUC) in der DR Kongo. Seit 1989 hat die Zahl internationaler Militärinterventionen in Postkonfliktgesellschaften drastisch zugenommen. Zu den Zielen dieser Interventionen gehört auch immer eine Unterbrechung der Kampfhandlungen. Dies geschieht dann, wenn es den Interventionstruppen gelingt, den Sicherheitsmarkt zu monopolisieren. Dafür stehen die Aussichten gut, wenn alle Konfliktparteien einem Friedensabkommen und einem Entwaffnungsprogramm zugestimmt haben. Das ist aber längst nicht immer der Fall. Die Erwartungen an Interventionsstreitkräfte sollten nicht überfrachtet werden. Bestenfalls ist eine kurzfristige Befriedung möglich, die die Grundlage für eine langfristige Transformation der Gewaltstrukturen bietet. Auf dem Sicherheitsmarkt treten Interventionskräfte parallel zu einheimischen Akteuren auf, die für die Bürger wichtige Schutzgaranten darstellen könnten. Ein inklusives Friedensabkommen ist eine Grundvoraussetzung für eine gewaltfreie Postkonfliktordnung. Liegt dies nicht vor, ist eine deutlich stärkere militärische Präsenz notwendig, um die Konfliktparteien abzuschrecken. Wo Friedensabkommen oder Entwaffnungsprogramme fehlen, können Interventionstruppen den Konflikt bestenfalls 'einfrieren', jedoch nicht überwinden. Spätestens nach ihrem Abzug wird der Konflikt erneut ausbrechen." (Autorenreferat)

Women's agency in Peace and Conflict Studies has received increased policy attention since the formulation of UN Security Council Resolution in 2000. Academic attention regarding this question has, as a result, also increased dramatically in the intervening period. Women today, as a consequence, are not just seen as victims of conflict, but also as agents of change. Despite their vulnerabilities in the situations created by conflict, women may be exposed to new knowledge and opportunities, which may have positive impacts on their lives. Therefore, it is important to recognize the lived realities and the multiple stories of postwar societies to address the new needs of people and build a sustainable peace. This article examines the everyday lives of women in post-conflict Nepal to demonstrate the significant transformations that have taken place since the war. It specifically investigates conflict-induced social and structural changes through the lived experiences of women tempo drivers, war widows, women ex-combatants and women politicians. This article is based on the analysis of 200 interviews and six focus group discussions (FGDs) carried out over a period of 12 years in seven districts of Nepal.

Post-conflict reconstruction programs increasingly include components designed to strengthen the performance of the public service and to support public sector reform. Although there is a growing body of literature on the relationship between public administration, and peace and development, there have been few case studies of donor efforts to strengthen public administration as part of post-conflict reconstruction. This study examines efforts to strengthen the civil service in Aceh, Indonesia, following the province's first post-conflict elections in 2006. It examines the impact of a donor-funded program designed to assist Aceh's first post-conflict administration (2007-2012) to reform its personnel management practices. The case study sheds light on weaknesses in current donor approaches to public administration reform in post-conflict situations.

SUMMARYPost‐conflict reconstruction programs increasingly include components designed to strengthen the performance of the public service and to support public sector reform. Although there is a growing body of literature on the relationship between public administration, and peace and development, there have been few case studies of donor efforts to strengthen public administration as part of post‐conflict reconstruction. This study examines efforts to strengthen the civil service in Aceh, Indonesia, following the province's first post‐conflict elections in 2006. It examines the impact of a donor‐funded program designed to assist Aceh's first post‐conflict administration (2007–2012) to reform its personnel management practices. The case study sheds light on weaknesses in current donor approaches to public administration reform in post‐conflict situations. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This book aims to understand the processes and outcomes that arise from frictional encounters in peacebuilding, when global and local forces meet. Building a sustainable peace after violent conflict is a process that entails competing ideas, political contestation and transformation of power relations. This volume develops the concept of 'friction'to better analyse the interplay between global ideas, actors, and practices, and their local counterparts. The chapters examine efforts undertaken to promote sustainable peace in a variety of locations, such as Cambodia, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, and Sierra Leone. These case analyses provide a nuanced understanding not simply of local processes, or of the hybrid or mixed agencies, ideas, and processes that are generated, but of the complex interactions that unfold between all of these elements in the context of peacebuilding intervention. The analyses demonstrate how the ambivalent relationship between global and local actors leads to unintended and sometimes counterproductive results of peacebuilding interventions. The approach of this book, with its focus on friction as a conceptual tool, advances the peacebuilding research agenda and adds to two ongoing debates in the peacebuilding field; the debate on hybridity, and the debate on local agency and local ownership. In analysing frictional encounters this volume prepares the ground for a better understanding of the mixed impact peace initiatives have on post-conflict societies. This book will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, conflict resolution, security studies, and international relations in general.