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Theology and culture: the promises and perils -- What is culture? -- Confusing nature and culture -- Language -- Diverse uses of "culture" -- Culture and God -- Theologians and culture I: the work of Ernst Troeltsch -- Theologians and culture II: H. Richard Niebuhr's typology -- Theologians and culture III: Paul Tillich's Protestant principle -- Theology, modernity, and postmodernity -- Contemporary theology I: post-liberal, analytical, post-modern feminist -- Contemporary theology II: radical orthodoxy, Communio Catholicism, Anabaptist witness

How do the intellectual origins and historical background of western and other theories of development affect their relevance to contemporary Third-World conditions? This is the central question behind Gavin Kitching's examination of 'development studies', first published in 1982, from its origins in the late 1940s through to the contemporary era. While presenting the contemporary 'radical orthodoxy' of development studies, Kitching argues that these theories are continuations of much older traditions of populist and neo-populist thought

This article is based on recent transnational research on partnership‐based initiatives to promote local development and regeneration and combat social exclusion in the EU. The increasing reliance on partnership as the basis for local policy initiatives is first situated in the context of contemporary debates about social exclusion. The main part of the article then draws on the literatures on local governance and urban regime theory to examine three issues critical to the impact of the 'new orthodoxy' of local partnership: the capacity of partnerships as interorganizational forms of local governance; their inclusiveness; and the extent of outcomes which can be attributed to partnership as a distinctive mode of local governance. On all three issues, the evidence points to the limited claims that can be made for most local partnerships as 'inclusion coalitions' capable of effectively tackling social exclusion, and suggests that structural features of the currently dominant version of partnership entrench a model of elite rather than inclusive governance. Local partnership is associated with weak rather than strong discourses of social exclusion and inclusion, and its significance lies as much as anything in the way in which the practice of partnership tends to foreclose the sphere of debate and action, excluding more radical options.Cet article se fonde sur une récente étude transnationale concernant l'UE et portant sur les initiatives de partenariat visant à promouvoir le développement et la régénération sur le plan local, tout en combattant l'exclusion sociale. Le recours croissant au partenariat comme base des initiatives de politique locale est d'abord resitué dans le cadre des débats contemporains sur l'exclusion sociale. L'article, qui s'inspire des travaux sur la gouvernance locale et les régimes urbains, examine trois points essentiels pour l'influence de la 'nouvelle orthodoxie' du partenariat local: la capacité des partenariats en tant que formes de gouvernance locale inter‐organismes, leur nature inclusive, ainsi que la part des résultats qui leur revient au titre de mode distincif de gouvernance locale. Sur ces trois aspects, les faits soulignent la portée limitée que peuvent revendiquer la plupart des partenariats locaux comme 'coalitions d'inclusion' capables de traiter efficacement l'exclusion sociale; les résultats suggèrent en outre que les caractéristiques structurelles du partenariat, dans sa version dominante actuelle, enracinent un modèle élitiste plutôt qu'une gouvernance inclusive. Le partenariat local est associéà des propos sur l'exclusion et l'inclusion sociale plus complaisants que percutants, et sa place tient tout autant à la manière dont son exercice tend à figer la sphère de débats et d'actions, excluant toute option plus radicale.

THIS ARTICLE TAKES A RETROSPECTIVE CRITIQUE OF ALTHUSSERIANISM, EMPHASIZING THROUGHOUT WHAT HAS NOW EMERGED AS ITS STRONGEST LEGACY. IT IS A LEGACY FOREGROUNDING HOSITILITY TO THEORY AS AN EPISTEMOLOGICAL CATEGORY GROUNDED IN A PROCESS OF REPRESENTATION, A HOSTILITY THAT IS DESIGNATED AS A "BAN ON CONSCIOUSNESS." IT NOTES THAT ALTHUSSERIANISM REVEALS ITSELF AS MERELY A CONCEPTUAL CONDUIT THROUGH WHICH THE WORST FEATURES OF THE OLD, ECONOMIST LEFT HAVE BEEN RELAYED INTO THE NEW, CULTURALIST ORTHODOXY.

In recent times there has been attention in the literature to translating the radical social work critiques (Ferguson, 2007; Ferguson and Woodward, 2009; Lavalette, 2011) into a meaningful form for the actual real-life practice of social work in everyday frontline settings (Carey and Foster, 2011; Rogowski, 2013; Turbett, 2014: forthcoming). This article focuses on one aspect of this: how to create an environment in the workplace in which practice that challenges mainstream orthodoxy can be undertaken safely. There are important issues relating to this theme that concern space and discretion, and how the concept of the 'streetwise bureaucrat' as developed by Lipsky (1980) should be applied to contemporary social work settings: these are described elsewhere (Evans and Harris, 2004; Turbett, 2014: forthcoming). This article is aimed at practitioners and students involved in 'everyday' settings, typically local authority teams who deliver mainstream services determined by statute.

Kerala society was not based on the principles of social freedom and equality. Its chief characteristics was the deep chasm which separated the high castes from the low castes. In spite of the centralisation of authority in the hands of the kings in Travancore and Cochin and the assumption of the direct administration by the English East India Company in Malabar, the upper castes like the Brahmins, the Kshetriya, and the Nairs, continued to enjoy many privileges and immunities. They constituted the land owning class and they freely oppressed the tenant class consisting mainly of such communities as the Mappilas, the Ezhavas, etc. At the same time the most pathetic condition given to a group of people, they were 'Dalits' or untouchables. Dalit or the groups traditionally regarded as untouchables were always remain as marginalised and subjected to oppression and exploitation. Kerala is not an exception to this. The present colonial Kerala provide more employment, but for Dalit it offers unemployment. The social reform movements and colonial modernity effected a transformation in Kerala society during the 19th and 20th centuries. The exclusion of Dalit from the 'public spheres' of Kerala really led to the formation of alternate space fortheir activities. Pandit K Karuppan , Poikayil Yohannan [Kumaran guru ] C Krishnan and Ayyankali were few of the leaders who tried to identify an alternative space within the Kerala Society. This naturally led to the formation of an anti caste tradition with in the Kerala society. The Bhakti movement of the Medieval period , helped the cause of the Dalit to certain extent , particularly in the spiritual sphere , the efforts' of most of this movements during the brutish period were however limited to reform rather than aimed a total change and ultimately these movements failed to make any significant dent in the fortress of Hindu Orthodoxy. The establishment of political relations with the English East India Company and the favouritism of the colonial administration led to a ...

After Enlightenment: Hamann as Post-Secular Visionary is a comprehensive introduction to the life and works of eighteenth-century German philosopher, J. G. Hamann, the founding father of what has come to be known as Radical Orthodoxy. Provides a long-overdue, comprehensive introduction to Haman's fascinating life and controversial works, including his role as a friend and critic of Kant and some of the most renowned German intellectuals of the age Features substantial new translations of the most important passages from across Hamann's writings, some of which have never been translated into En

In this article, the alternative conception of secularity of Charles Taylor, Paul Valadier and Joseph Ratzinger (former Benedict XVI) is explored. A secularized society, which they take as an established condition, does not necessarily exclude religion, Christianity or Christian transcendence, in particular. On the contrary, the spirit of democracies and citizens needs to be constantly kindled, and to this end, the Christian message and traditions can be relevant. Rather than strictly comparing and contrasting these three men's thoughts, I deem it more fruitful to show how they complement each other. Though they certainly differ from each other, there is a remarkable overlap in their theological and philosophical anthropologies in which the notion of gift or gratuity is so central. The ideal of solidarity and justice that stems from this understanding of the human differs from conceptions that rely on the idea of the rational and self-sufficient agent.

The man the and movement : Harold Wolpe and the fight against apartheid -- Class struggle in the classroom : Wolpe and the battle of ideas -- Voice in the wilderness? : Harold Wolpe, the SACP and the ANC -- The Marxism of the middle class? : the academic radicalism of the 1970s -- Class tells : Wolpe's critique of liberal and nationalist orthodoxy -- Critique of pure reason : the cheap labour thesis's critics -- Recognizing racial reality : race and class in Wolpe's later work -- Real people, real politics : seeing a strategic opening in apartheid's retreat -- Beyond them and us : politics of division, politics of possibility -- Schooled in reality : Wolpe, education and the politics of reform -- A few small areas in the vicinity of Beijing : Harold Wolpe and post-apartheid South Africa -- Questions, not answers : transcending the Marxist tradition.

America has a long tradition of middle-class radicalism, albeit one that intellectual orthodoxy has tended to obscure. The Radical Middle Class seeks to uncover the democratic, populist, and even anticapitalist legacy of the middle class. By examining in particular the independent small business sector or petite bourgeoisie, using Progressive Era Portland, Oregon, as a case study, Robert Johnston shows that class still matters in America. But it matters only if the politics and culture of the leading player in affairs of class, the middle class, is dramatically reconceived. Th

Historians of economics rarely consider textbooks as more than passive receptacles of previously validated knowledge. Therefore, their active role in shaping the discipline and its image is seldom addressed. In this paper, I study the making of Paul Samuelson's successive editions ofEconomicsfrom 1967 to 1973 as an instance of how textbooks stand at the crossroads between disciplinary knowledge, pedagogy, and larger political and societal concerns. In the mid-1960s, Economics, now at its sixth edition, was at the height of its success. Considered one cornerstone of modern economics, it was also at the center of a number of criticisms dealing with the current state of the economic discipline and its teaching in the universities. While the profession expressed its concern over the lack of relevance of economics to address the pressing issues of the day and pleaded for a new "problem-solving" approach to economic education, the late 1960s witnessed the emergence of a new generation of "radical" economists criticizing the economics orthodoxy. Their contention that mainstream theory had neglected the issues of class struggle and capitalist exploitation found a favorable echo among an increasingly politicized population. Using archival materials, I show how Samuelson, helped by his editorial team at McGraw-Hill, attempted to take into account these changes in order to ensure the continuing success of subsequent editions of his text in an increasingly competitive market. This study emphasizes Samuelson's ambiguous attitude toward his contenders, revealing, on the one hand, his apparent openness to discussion and outsiders' suggestions, and, on the other hand, his firm attachment to mildly liberal politics and aversion to Marxism, unchanged through revisions. It also helps refine a notion that is often invoked but never fully expounded in textbook studies: that of the audience.

The first study of its kind, The Impact of Idealism assesses the impact of classical German philosophy on science, religion and culture. This fourth volume explores German Idealism's impact on theology and religious ideas in the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first centuries. With contributions from leading scholars, this collection not only demonstrates the vast range of Idealism's theological influence across different centuries, countries, continents, traditions and religions, but also, in doing so, provides fresh insight into the original ideas and themes with which Kant, Hegel, Fichte, Schelling and others were concerned. As well as tracing out the Idealist influence in the work of nineteenth- and twentieth-century theologians, philosophers of religion, and theological traditions, from Schleiermacher, to Karl Barth, to Radical Orthodoxy, the essays in this collection bring each debate up to date with a strong focus on Idealism's contemporary relevance

This book is in equal parts a treatise on morality and economics, a critique of neoclassical orthodoxy, a brief for replacing mainstream economics with a radical political economics, and an argument for the abandonment of neoliberal capitalism in favor of democratic socialism. It includes a detailed proposal for a "demand and cost" alternative to "supply and demand" analysis and an in-depth technical critique of both neoclassical "high theory" and "applied microeconomic analysis" demonstrating that these are not only infeasible or immoral, but have directly contributed to public policy disasters. Further, the book suggests that only a moral economics in the form of radical political economy can address the looming economic and environmental crises of today's world. Baiman begins with an introduction to morality and ethics in both general sciences and in economics in particular. He then guides readers through evidence of how neoclassical economics has not only failed to remain objective and value-free, but has become an ideology of apologetics protecting an immoral system. In addition to breaking down real-world examples to demonstrate his assertions, Baiman analyzes a theoretical Utopia design exercise. He concludes by arguing that the only form of economics that supports widely shared human values--such as social equity, democracy, and solidarity--is so-called "radical economics", and that all true economics science should be directed toward achieving more socially productive economic activity. An invaluable guide to morality and economics, this book will appeal to researchers and teachers looking to change the way we think about economics, policy, and society