Suchergebnisse

This article reviews the historical approach of the English Courts to the children who are raised in same‐sex households; it discusses the very recent reformation of attitude of the courts, and of the legislators, to such family arrangements, and it examines the current attitude of the English Courts. The article considers how the courts have struggled historically to apply ordinary welfare principles in the different context of homosexual parenting, and discusses the complex inter‐play of family relationships when children are born into same‐sex families through donor insemination. The article discusses the ongoing challenges for the courts in dealing with cases of this kind.

A critical reader of the history of marriage understands that it is an institution that has always been in flux. It is also a decidedly complicated one, existing simultaneously in the realms of religion, law, and emotion. And yet recent years have seen dramatic and heavily waged battles over the proposition of including same sex couples in marriage. Just what is at stake in these battles? This book examines the meanings of marriage for couples in the two first states to extend that right to same sex couples: California and Massachusetts. The two states provide a compelling contrast: while in

This paper presents the evolution and most relevant characteristics of binational (Portuguese/ Brazilian) same-sex marriages in Portugal, from 2010 to 2020, comparing them with the binational heterosexual ones. The analysis was based on marriage micro-data published by the National Statistics Office.
Data reveals that the increase of binational marriages has been more significant among samesex couples than among heterosexual couples; binational same-sex couples are younger than heterosexual ones, although they also record lower levels of age-related homogamy, and are more qualified than hetero couples. Hetero binational couples engaged more frequently in cohabitation before marriage and tend to opt for shared estate ownership.
This study enables a diagnosis of the present situation and constitutes a contribution to knowledge surrounding the marriage market within groups that are minorities not only as immigrants but also as homosexuals.

In the United States, the state and federal courts often has been the first port of call for activists hoping to advance the cause of same-sex couples. State courts, in particular, have ruled on occasion that guarantees of equal rights or due process contained in state constitutions require recognition of same-sex marriage or civil unions. These court decisions, in turn, have sparked a legislative backlash. Legislators and voters have rejected these court decisions by amending state constitutions to limit the rights of same-sex couples. The European Union represents, in some ways, the mirror image of the United States experience. The EU 'legislators' - represented by the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament - have adopted 'progressive' legislation, including laws prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation. The European Court of Justice, however, has provided very narrow interpretations of the content of these 'equal rights' guarantees. In particular, the Court of Justice has ruled that discrimination against same-sex couples - in denial of employment rights available to opposite-sex unmarried couples, for example - does not constitute discrimination based on sexual orientation. This article traces the development of the EU position, and compares and contrasts it with similar developments in the US courts and legislatures.

This paper presents and addresses a simple, yet overlooked, research question: is there a sexuality gap in political engagement and participation between sexual minority individuals and the heterosexual majority in Western Europe? To answer this question, we employ a recently applied method of identifying lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals using data on the gender composition of cohabiting partner households from the European Social Survey. Relying on a total sample of more than 110,000 individuals across 12 different countries with an identified sample of 1542 LGB individuals, we test the divergence in political interest and political participation, both electoral and non-electoral, between LGB and non-LGB individuals. The results of our empirical analyses conform with our expectations. Theorising that LGBs, as a marginalised social stratum, are incentivised to participate and 'vote like their rights depended on it', we find empirical evidence of a significant and positive 'sexuality gap' in levels of political interest, turnout and other forms of political participation in Western Europe over and above what can be determined by socio-economic determinants of political participation.

This paper presents and addresses a simple, yet overlooked, research question: is there a sexuality gap in political engagement and participation between sexual minority individuals and the heterosexual majority in Western Europe? To answer this question, we employ a recently applied method of identifying lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals using data on the gender composition of cohabiting partner households from the European Social Survey. Relying on a total sample of more than 110,000 individuals across 12 different countries with an identified sample of 1542 LGB individuals, we test the divergence in political interest and political participation, both electoral and non-electoral, between LGB and non-LGB individuals. The results of our empirical analyses conform with our expectations. Theorising that LGBs, as a marginalised social stratum, are incentivised to participate and 'vote like their rights depended on it', we find empirical evidence of a significant and positive 'sexuality gap' in levels of political interest, turnout and other forms of political participation in Western Europe over and above what can be determined by socio-economic determinants of political participation.

This paper presents and addresses a simple, yet overlooked, research question: is there a sexuality gap in political engagement and participation between sexual minority individuals and the heterosexual majority in Western Europe? To answer this question, we employ a recently applied method of identifying lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals using data on the gender composition of cohabiting partner households from the European Social Survey. Relying on a total sample of more than 110,000 individuals across twelve different countries with an identified sample of 1,542 LGB individuals, we test the divergence in political interest and political participation, both electoral and non-electoral, between LGB and non-LGB individuals. The results of our empirical analyses conform with our expectations. Theorising that LGBs, as a marginalised social stratum, are incentivised to participate and "vote like their rights depended on it", we find empirical evidence of a significant and positive "sexuality gap" in levels of political interest, turnout and other forms of political participation in Western Europe over and above what can be determined by socio-economic determinants of political participation.