Suchergebnisse

Today, the SCO is the most authoritative international Organization of a new type, the world's largest trans-regional organization, whose area of responsibility is more than 60% of the territory of Eurasian continent with a population of over 3,2 bln people, with a combined economic potential of more than a quarter of the world's GDP. Since the creation of the SCO, a solid international legal and regulatory framework has been formed within the Organization. There are 29 SCO statutory bodies and about 40 working expert mechanisms of multilateral interaction functioning effectively. From 2001 to the present, the SCO adopted 1390 documents, of which 228 have lost their legal force, 1164 documents continue to be valid, of which: international agreements of the SCO - 80, decisions of the Council of Heads of State of the SCO member states - 111, decisions of the Council of Heads of Government - SCO members - 102, declarations, joint statements, communiques and information messages - 62, decisions of the Council of Foreign Ministers - 207, decisions of the Council of the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) of the SCO - 513, minutes and final documents of the Meetings heads of ministries and departments - 177, minutes of the Council of National Coordinators - 138

According to the balance of power concept, nations tend to unite for opposing a hegemon with an equal force. Therefore, for the leading position of the US and its ability to project power globally, there should be an opposite and equal reaction from the other emerging power centers. Since the collapse of the USSR, the hegemonic position of the United States has been unchallenged. However, there is a possibility that it might be counterbalanced in future by the growing political influence of emerging powers like Russia and China, which have already succeeded in countering the US influence in some parts of Eurasia through the mechanism known as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). This study analyzes whether the SCO is an alliance directed against the United States and whether it has a potential to become a counterweight to the hegemony of the US. The results of this thesis research will show that the SCO is a regional alliance intended to restrain the political and economic influence of the United States in the post-soviet space. In other words, this study will demonstrate that the SCO exists as a form of "soft" counterbalance against the US on a regional level.

In June 2001, China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While the immediate focus of the organization was to combat the so-called 'three evils'-ethnic separatism, religious extremism, and international terrorism-the SCO's long-term viability and effectiveness in promoting regional stability and economic development depend on how member states build up common identity and cooperate on issues of mutual concern. This article looks at China's role in initiating the Shanghai-5/SCO structure within the broader framework of Beijing's foreign and security policy interests and priorities in Central Asia and seeks to examine both the prospects for and the potential obstacles to its efforts in achieving key objectives for this new regional organization: management of ethnic and religious unrest, including the fight against terrorism and separatism; maintenance of stable borders; development of energy resources; and promotion of economic prosperity. In addition, the article will also examine the extent to which Beijing has used the opportunity to exercise leadership and whether or not China can extend its influence to Central Asia using the SCO as a vehicle. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

China's interests in and expectations from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Central Asia often overlap. China is currently developing cooperative institutions in areas such as security, energy, and economic development, among others. Subsequently, China finds itself in-between the SCO and Central Asia's most difficult questions and dilemmas.

This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization's influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.

China's need for energy has become a driving factor in contemporary world politics and a precondition for sustaining China's continuing high economic growth. Accordingly, Chinese energy policy has been a political and strategic rather than market-driven policy. This book focuses on the need of a stable and secure investment environment which is necessary for the energy provision of China from the Central Asian states. The author argues that the institutionalization of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (S.C.O.), the Friendship and Cooperation Treaty between Russia and China and Chinese b.

As China is dependent on oil and gas imports to maintain its high growth rates, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Central Asia have become increasingly important for the country's economic development. In May 2014, China and Russia signed a new gas deal, for example, and in recent years China has been able to improve its energy security by making several oil and gas agreements with Central Asian countries. This paper focuses on the growth of trade in energy resources from Central Asia and Russia to China. It discusses why energy security, Central Asia and the SCO are so important to the Chinese political elite. Is the PRC's energy security leading to a shift of geopolitical power in the region and what advantages and disadvantages can this shift have for the various parties concerned? The paper shows that the balance of power in the region has basically shifted in China's favour.