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AbstractIn 1974 Prime Minister Gough Whitlam established the Royal Commission on Australian Government Administration ('the Commission'), appointing HC Coombs as chair. The Commission's brief was 'to inquire into and report on the administrative organization and services of the Australian Government' giving particular attention to, among other issues, public servants' 'participation in forming policy and making decisions'. From the outset the Commission aligned itself with the view that Aboriginal people were 'less than proportionately represented in the administration'. The Commission asked CD Rowley to prepare a report on Aboriginal issues. Barrie Dexter, Secretary of the newly established Department of Aboriginal Affairs and Charles Perkins, Assistant Secretary and Arrernte man from Central Australia, both gave evidence to the Commission. The competing ideas on Indigenous administrative participation expressed by Coombs, Rowley, Dexter and Perkins in the course of the Commission will be considered through the lens of representation theory. While all four doubted the capacity of the bureaucracy to provide a meaningful channel for Indigenous representation internally, each argued from a different view of representation. Understanding their positions on how Indigenous people should be represented in public administration, including their assumption that there would also be external Indigenous representation, could shed light on tensions that are still present today.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- 1 Social Democracy and the Crisis of Equality: The Background -- Australian Social Democracy in an International Context -- The Australian Labor Party's Focus on Equality -- Early Conceptions of Economic Equality -- Early Racial Exclusions from Equality -- Equality and the Male Wage Worker Head of Household -- Transformations in the Concept of Equality -- Chapter Structure of Book -- References -- 2 Social Democracy and Racial/Ethnic Equality -- Australian Social Democracy in an International Context -- Curtin and Chifley Governments (1941-1949) -- Whitlam Government (1972-1975) -- Hawke and Keating Governments (1983-1996) -- Rudd and Gillard Governments (2007-2013) -- Labor Post the Rudd/Gillard Governments -- Excluded from Equality: Asylum Seekers -- Conclusion: Social Democracy and Racial/Ethnic Identity -- References -- 3 Gender: From Male Breadwinner to the Independent Adult Worker -- Australian Social Democracy in an International Context -- The Curtin and Chifley Governments (1941-1949) -- Whitlam Government (1972-1975) -- Hawke and Keating Governments (1983-1996) -- Rudd and Gillard Governments (2007-2013) -- Tensions Between Feminism and Social Democracy -- Labor Post the Rudd and Gillard Governments -- Cultural Politics and Gender Inequality -- Conclusion: Australian and International Social Democracy -- References -- 4 Sexuality: From Morality to Equality -- Australian Social Democracy in an International Context -- Pre the 1970's Whitlam Period -- The Whitlam Government (1972-1975) -- The Hawke and Keating Governments (1983-1996) -- Relationship Recognition: The Rudd and Gillard Governments (2007-2013) -- Same-Sex Marriage and the Rudd and Gillard Governments (2007-2013) -- Conclusion: Australian and International Social Democracy -- References.

In August 1974, the Australian Labor Party Government under Prime Minister Gough Whitlam announced it had recognised the incorporation of the Baltic states into the Soviet Union de jure. Historical writing around this diplomatic recognition is scarce and sheds little light on why the policy was enacted. Using previously unavailable archival evidence, as well as other sources including testimony from Government and public service workers, this article demonstrates that the recognition was induced primarily by Whitlam, the Department of Foreign Affairs, and Sir James Plimsoll, Australia's ambassador to the Soviet Union. These actors were motivated by varying considerations. These included an adherence to realist foreign policy principles, concerns regarding Australian–Soviet bi‐lateral relations, convictions around the legitimacy of Baltic self‐determination, and ethnic prejudice against Australians of Baltic descent.

Acknowledgments -- Contents -- 1: Introduction -- References -- 2: Multiculturalism, Australian Style: Official Multiculturalism from Whitlam to Fraser -- The Beginnings of Official Multiculturalism: The Whitlam Government -- The Fraser Government: The Expansion of Multiculturalism -- The Emerging Critiques of Multiculturalism, from the Late 1970s to the Early 1980s -- References -- 3: Multiculturalism as Social Justice: The Hawke and Keating Governments -- Multiculturalism and Keating -- Conclusion: Further Critiques of Multiculturalism -- References

[Introduction]:.I want to concentrate on what Australian Governments have done and should do to improve Australia's system of representative government. Federal parliamentarians have the main responsibility because they and they alone can initiate constitutional referendums and enact international instruments. In all my own accounts and analyses of the matter, I contend that November 1975 was fundamentally a political crisis, fully capable of a political resolution, and, indeed, about to be so resolved, not more than 48 hours later than my government's dismissal. That is, by the fully attested switch of votes imminent on the part of at least four coalition senators. One such defection would have been enough to end the crisis. The dismissal was needless and premature. More recent accounts go to this conclusion. John Menadue's indispensable book, Things You Learn Along the Way, was published last year. Tonight, however, I propose only to touch on some aspects which point to changes in the Constitution which, if made before 1975, would have prevented the crisis or which, if made now, would prevent a repetition.

1. The post-war period and the Whitlam government -- 2. The Fraser government -- 3. The Hawke-Keating governments -- 4. The Howard government -- 5. The Rudd-Gillard governments -- 6. The Abbott-Turnbull governments -- 7. The national story and policy legitimacy -- 8. Professionalisation and technical legitimacy -- 9. Managing risk and administrative legitimacy.

The Whitlams live in Newtown, Australia" is a byline that has appeared on each of the Sydney band's albums since their beginnings in 1992. During this time the band has progressed from being on a small, independent label with a local audience to achieving national coverage and recognition, culminating with 8 ARIA award nominations in 1998. Of these they won three for Best Group, Song of the Year and Best Independent Release. Following this The Whitlams were signed to Warner Music (as it incorporated Festival Music), and have continued to make albums that still use inner city Sydney as a focus, but are pitched at a less localised audience. The Whitlams have used Sydney as a setting for major local events during this time, (the Sydney Olympics, State Government policies), but also just as a setting to express more personal issues (songs about relationships, aging). This paper will compare The Whitlams' early releases to the music made after the band gained national attention, looking at how and why Sydney has remained a central theme, but has been expressed in different terms.

This thesis explores the context in which the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security, 1974-1977 came to be. The Whitlam Government wanted to reform the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) so as to depoliticise it and make it more effective in combating genuine threats to the state, including global terrorism. In early 1973 the government's reform was stalled as a result of the attorney-general's raid on ASIO offices. The Prime Minister announced in late 1973 that an inquiry into ASIO would arise at some point. The Australian Labor Party took the idea of a judicial inquiry into Australia's intelligence and security apparatus to the 1974 election. Within weeks of returning to office the Whitlam Government decided to launch the Royal Commission. Even by the time of the government's dismissal in 1975 the process of ASIO's reform was advanced. The decision to keep ASIO was made by Labor prior to the 1972 election. This was despite experiencing two decades of ASIO's ideological partisanship, which had consequences for Labor. But the party's decision was not inconsistent with its history, having been an anti-communist party from the 1920s and responsible for ASIO's creation in 1949. The Royal Commission's terms of reference ensured that an intelligence apparatus would continue to be available to the Commonwealth. The decision to erect the Royal Commission was also widely supported by major Australian newspapers. When the Royal Commission finished in 1977 a lasting bipartisan consensus on ASIO was emerging.

This thesis explores the context in which the Royal Commission on Intelligence and Security, 1974-1977 came to be. The Whitlam Government wanted to reform the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) so as to depoliticise it and make it more effective in combating genuine threats to the state, including global terrorism. In early 1973 the government's reform was stalled as a result of the attorney-general's raid on ASIO offices. The Prime Minister announced in late 1973 that an inquiry into ASIO would arise at some point. The Australian Labor Party took the idea of a judicial inquiry into Australia's intelligence and security apparatus to the 1974 election. Within weeks of returning to office the Whitlam Government decided to launch the Royal Commission. Even by the time of the government's dismissal in 1975 the process of ASIO's reform was advanced. The decision to keep ASIO was made by Labor prior to the 1972 election. This was despite experiencing two decades of ASIO's ideological partisanship, which had consequences for Labor. But the party's decision was not inconsistent with its history, having been an anti-communist party from the 1920s and responsible for ASIO's creation in 1949. The Royal Commission's terms of reference ensured that an intelligence apparatus would continue to be available to the Commonwealth. The decision to erect the Royal Commission was also widely supported by major Australian newspapers. When the Royal Commission finished in 1977 a lasting bipartisan consensus on ASIO was emerging.