Suchergebnisse

Local government is often cited as the 'level of government closest to the people'. This reference comes from the recognition that the functions provided by local government, for the most part, have an impact on the every day lives of citizens. Given the fiscal constraint being experienced in all levels of government today, and the need to rethink what, how, and if services are to be maintained, it is logical to assume that citizens would be interested in the decision-making processes that are occurring. Yet, the level of political literacy appears to be on the decline, and citizen apathy towards local government continues. Indeed, this apathy is often attributed to a lack of citizen knowledge and awareness of the issues, which concern local government. In its final form, this apathy translates into an attitude of mistrust and dissatisfaction with how our communities are governed. This thesis presents an opportunity to examine the concept of public participation, as well as the historic and current mechanisms for citizen involvement in local government. It explores the concept of the 'neighbourhood' as an organizational framework for citizen engagement and decision-making in local governance structures. This thesis develops an innovative neighbourhood model for local government that seeks to re-engage the citizen; to provide authority and decision-making power at the level of the neighbourhood; to strengthen community capacity; and to renew citizen faith and trust in government.

This paper examines the relationship of social class, ethnicity, and voting in the city of Winnipeg in the 1945 provincial election. Our data sources were the 1946 census and provincial election returns. The Winnipeg provincial constituency was selected for a number of reasons. In 1945, it corresponded to the city of Winnipeg boundaries, thus permitting the correlation of the 1946 Census of the Prairie Provinces data with the October 1945 voting results. Second, it had both a large number of non-British voters and candidates, which allowed a test for the importance of ethnic voting. Third, Winnipeg had (and has) a large working-class population and pockets of upper-class areas, permitting a test for the importance of class voting. Finally, as a multi-member constituency returning 10 members, a system of proportional representation was employed. With 20 candidates in the running for 10 seats, 15 ballot transfers were necessary before all 10 candidates were declared elected. An examination of these ballot transfers permits a corroborating test for class and ethnic voting.

Winnipeg's built heritage is suffering from demolition by neglect, the lack of maintenance on designated heritage buildings which results in their demolition, often in the name of public safety. Although built heritage is a valuable community asset and the issue of demolition by neglect has been discussed for over two decades, little research has taken place to find solutions. This thesis explores the methods used for addressing demolition by neglect in Hamilton, Ontario; Ottawa, Ontario, and Edmonton, Alberta and seeks to understand if these methods would be effective in addressing the issue in Winnipeg, Manitoba. A document analysis and semi-structured interviews were used to uncover the methods for addressing demolition by neglect in the three cities while a focus group considered the applicability of the methods to Winnipeg. The result was a typology of strategies suggesting three recommendations for addressing demolition by neglect in Winnipeg, effective communication, supporting redevelopment and increased political will. When addressing a wicked problem like demolition by neglect, planners, policy makers, researchers and community groups need to take a customised, flexible approach that evaluates the individual context of each heritage building and work together to find solutions that will not only stop the neglect but support a vibrant and sustainable community. ; March 2022

This study undertakes to present the history of the cadet movement in the schools of the city of Winnipeg from its inception as a phase of school training in 1888 until the present time. It will endeavour to present its importance within the school system under differing ideologies and attitudes of the public and the governing bodies of the school system. Tentative findings pertaining to causes of increasing or waning influences and, therefore, changing emphasis will be sought and possibilities for the future examined. During the period in question Canada made her contribution to three wars - the Boer War, 1899-1902, involving the British Empire only; World War I, 1914-1918, and World War II, 1939-1945 which were of immediate concern to Canada; as to all peoples enjoying the privileges of democratic institutions. Each of these conflicts had an influence upon the establishment of the cadet movement in city schools, not only of the city of Winnipeg but of Canada as a whole, more especially those, the population of which was largely of Anglo-Saxon origin.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SC, ETHNICITY, & VOTING IN THE CITY OF WINNIPEG IN THE 1945 ELECTIONS IS EXAMINED. 20 CANDIDATES WERE EXAMINED-- 10 LEFTISTS & 10 RIGHTISTS. LEFT & RIGHT POSITIONS WERE DETERMINED FROM THE CANDIDATES' CAMPAIGN LITERATURE. DATA ON ETHNIC BACKGROUNDS OF CANDIDATES CAME FROM SEVERAL SOURCES, INCLUDING NEWSPAPERS & ELECTION LITERATURE. CLASS & ETHNIC CHARACTERISTICS OF VOTERS CAME FROM CENSUS DATA. SC POSITION WAS AN IMPORTANT DETERMINANT OF VOTING BEHAVIOR IN WINNIPEG, WITH BRITISH BIRTH COMPLEMENTING CLASS VOTING. CLASS VOTING WAS STRONGER AMONG THE RICH. ETHNICITY & SC ALSO HAD IMPORTANT ROLES IN VOTING BEHAVIOR, BUT CLASS FACTORS SIGNIFICANTLY OUTWEIGHTED ETHNIC FACTORS. ETHNICITY ITSELF OFTEN DISGUISED CLASS VOTING (EG, UKRANIANS FELL LARGELY INTO ONE SC--THE WC). 6 TABLES, 1 FIGURE. R. LENT.

Une occasion unique pour evaluer la force relative de la classe par rapport à celle des déterminants ethniques pendant des scrutins provinciaux fut fournie par le développement historique de la classe et des relations ethnologiques à Winnipeg, et le fait que la cité entière fut une circonscription électorale avec plusiers membres pour des raisons de representativité dans la legislature provinciale. Des recherches statistiques ont été effectués sur des sections locales, en utilisant des renseignements specifiques de recensement social sur les résultats du scrutin, et sur la littérature du parti et de la campagne électorale. On a decouvert que les facteurs de classe n'etaient que marginalement moins importants que les facteurs ethniques pour expliquer les tendances de vote, malgré une coalition des partis Liberal/Conservateur/ccf et la plus basse participation electorale au cours d'une élection provinciale, que l'on peut relever dans l'histoire du Manitoba ‐ des facteurs qui auraient tendance a minimiser les facteurs de classe dans le procéssus du vote. Les résultats furent corroborés par une analyse des renseignements sur le scrutin transmissible. Mises à part les différences dans l'importance relative des facteurs de classe et d'ethnie, ces résultats confirment les conclusions d'une étude similaire faite auparavant, des tendances de vote a Winnipeg lors de l'élection provinciale de 1941.A unique opportunity to assess the relative strengths of class versus ethnic determinants of voting in provincial elections was offered by the historical development of class and ethnic relations in Winnipeg and the fact that the entire city was a multiple‐member constituency for purposes of representation in the provincial legislature. Data analyses were carried out on areal units using census social area data, poll‐by‐poll voting results, and party and campaign literature. Class factors were found to be only marginally less important than ethnic factors in accounting for voting patterns despite a Liberal/Conservative/ccf party coalition and the lowest voter turnout in a provincial election historically recorded in Manitoba ‐ factors which would tend to minimize class factors in voting. These results were corroborated by an analysis of transferable ballot data. Apart from minor differences in the relative weighting of class and ethnic factors, these results support the conclusions of an earlier similar study of Winnipeg voting patterns in the 1945 provincial election.

This project addresses the lack of neighbourhood statistical data and survey information on the quality of life in the inner city available to community groups. Many organizations and individuals in Winnipeg's inner city are working to enhance individual quality of life in the inner city and to raise the standard of living. However, there is no adequate way, at this time, to measure change occurring in neighbourhoods. Inner city organizations and larger governmental and non-governmental organizations collect data useful to measure outcomes of specific programs and general social trends; unfortunately these data and the survey instruments used are not standardized between organizations. It is difficult to use these data when measuring the community-wide impacts of programs, perceptions of residents, and the social or economic progress of neighbourhoods and communities.