Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Die Anti-Atomkraftbewegung gehörte zu den wichtigsten Protestbewegungen in der Bundesrepublik, sowohl aus gesellschaftlicher als auch aus polizeilicher Sicht. Obgleich die Neuen Sozialen Bewegungen im 20. Jahrhundert bereits intensiv erörtert wurden, sind dennoch Fragen zu den Interaktionen zwischen Protestierenden und Polizei sowie überhaupt zu den polizeilichen Reaktionen auf das gesellschaftliche Aufbegehren und den zum Teil damit einhergehenden Ausschreitungen offen. Die jüngere Gewaltsoziologie geht davon aus, dass der konkreten Situation eine hohe Relevanz zukommt. Entsprechend lenkt Sabine Mecking den Blick auf den spezifischen Protestraum und die Akteurinnen und Akteure vor Ort an den Bauplätzen der nuklearen Anlagen. Die vergleichende Analyse des polizeilichen Protestmanagements bei den Großdemonstrationen der Anti-Atomkraftbewegung in den 1970er und 1980er Jahren ist ein Beitrag zur Protest-, Gewalt- und Demokratiegeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland.

"This book explores the politics of anti-nuclear activism in Tokyo after the Fukushima nuclear disaster of March 2011. Analyzing the protests in the context of a longer history of citizen activism in Tokyo, it also situates the movement within the framework of a global struggle for democracy, from the Arab Spring to Occupy Wall Street.By examining the anti-nuclear movement at both urban and transnational scales, the book also reveals the complex geography of todays globally connected social movements. It emphasizes the contestation of urban space by anti-nuclear activists in Tokyo and the weaving together of urban and cyber space in their praxis. By focusing on the cultural life of the movementfrom its characteristic demonstration style to its blogs, zines and pamphletsthis book communicates activists voices in their own words. Based on excellent ethnographic research, it concludes that the anti-nuclear protests in Tokyo after the Fukushima disaster have redefined social movement politics for a new era.Providing an analysis of a unique period in Japans contemporary urban history from the perspective of eyewitness observations, this book will be useful to students and scholars of Japanese Politics, Sociology and Japanese Studies in general."--Provided by publisher.

This article explores the relationship between hardships and protest in the world-system. Despite the history of discussion of anti-systemic protest, there has been little work that differentiates world-systems contributions to social movement research from others who examine social movements. We contribute to a theory of anti-systemic protest by re-introducing hardships as a crucial element that defines inequalities in the world-system; one consistent source of those hardships are austerity policies imposed in response to debt negotiations. In addition to our path analyses which demonstrate the clear link of hardships and protest, our case studies provide further historical analysis on when globalization, political openings, and long-term hardships also help explain the occasion of protest.

This article aims to identify the causes that underlie the mass participation in anti-authoritarian protests of Hong Kong in 2019. The research draws from the perceived performance approach and social learning approach and uses survey data to explain the mass participation. Four variables regarding perceived political performance, rather than perceived economic performance, are found to exert a causal effect on individuals' decisions to participate in mass protests. These perceived political performance variables include mass dissatisfaction with Hong Kong's lack of democracy and the police's performance. Thus, an attempt to stifle the demonstrations by offering merely economic incentives will not suffice. In light of the social learning approach, the younger and more educated people in Hong Kong are found to be more supportive of the protests. The findings highlight the failure of the authoritarian government in China to earn the political trust of the younger and more educated generation in Hong Kong. This article concludes by drawing attention to the dim prospects for Hong Kong's political stability and prosperity.

AbstractThis article applies a process approach to the study of nationalism, analysing anti‐colonial protest in interwar Morocco to address how and why elite‐constructed national identity resonates for larger audiences. Using Alexander's social performance model to study nationalist contention, it examines how a Muslim prayer ritual was re‐purposed by Moroccan nationalists to galvanise mass protest against a French divide‐and‐rule colonial policy towards Moroccan Berbers that they believed threatened Morocco's ethno‐religious national unity. By looking at how national identity was forged in the context of contentious performances and why certain religious (Islam) and ethnic (Arab) components were drawn on to define the Moroccan nation, this study offers a model for answering why national identity gets defined in specific ways and how the nation gains salience for broader publics as a category of collective identity.