Suchergebnisse

Beylikdüzü, İstanbul'un 1990'lı yıllardan sonra gelişmeye başlayan ilçesidir. İstanbul'da ortaya çıkan konut açığını kapatma adına atılan toplu konut hamlelerinin ilk adımı Beylikdüzü'nde gerçekleşmiştir. Uzun dönem İstanbul merkezine olan uzaklığından dolayı yeterli ilgiyi görmeyen Beylikdüzü, özellikle 1999 Marmara Depremi'nden sonra İstanbul merkezindeki insanların yerleştiği bölgelerden biri olmuştur. 2000'li yıllardan itibaren metrobüsle birlikte ulaşımın kolaylaşması bölgenin yerleşim açısından cazibesini artırmıştır. 1960'lı yıllardan itibaren başlayan ve 1980'lerde yoğunlaşan göç hareketi İstanbul'da kent yapısını olumsuz yönde etkilemiştir. Kent merkezinde plansız olarak yapılanan sanayileşme sonucunda konut – sanayi alanları iç içe geçmiş ve bunun sonucunda alınan kararla sanayi alanlarının kent dışına taşınma planı devreye girmiştir. Bu plan kapsamında İstanbul'un batı yakasında Beylikdüzü ve yakın çevresi yeni sanayi bölgesi olarak tasarlanmıştır. 2002 yılında kurulan Beylikdüzü Organize Sanayi Bölgesi ile İstanbul'un önemli sanayi merkezlerinden biri olan Beylikdüzü ilçesinde 2022 yıl ortası itibariyle İstanbul Sanayi Odası'na (İSO) kayıtlı 776 adet sanayi kuruluşu faaliyet halindedir.

Yardımlaşma, dayanışma ve iyilik gibi değerlerin ön planda olduğu vakıflar İslâm devletlerinde olduğu gibi Osmanlı Devleti'nde de toplumsal, kültürel ve ekonomik hayatın en önemli unsurlarından birini teşkil etmiştir. Osmanlı Devleti'nde cami, mescit, medrese, han, hamam, tekke ve hastane gibi pek çok yapının ihtiyacı vakıflar aracılığıyla karşılanmıştır. Vakıflardan elde edilen gelirler bu yapıların uzun bir süre varlığını devam etmesini sağlamıştır. Siirt sancağı da vakıflar açısından zengin bir yer olmuştur. Şehirde özellikle cami ve mescit gibi ibadethanelere ait vakıflar mevcuttu. Siirt sancağındaki vakıflarla ilgili bilgi veren kaynakların başında Osmanlı arşivinde yer alan evkaf defterleri gelmektedir. Bu defterler, vakıfların gelir ve giderleri hakkında ayrıntılı bilgiler vermiştir. Ayrıca defterlerde vakıfların bünyesinde çalışan görevliler ve bunların aldığı ücretler de kaydedilmiştir. Çalışmanın kaynağı 17169 numaralı evkaf defteridir. Defterde, Siirt merkez kazadaki 31 vakfın yanı sıra Van sancağı vakıflarından olan Hüsrev Paşa Vakfı da yer almıştır. Defterdeki veriler ışığında hazırlanan bu çalışmada Siirt merkez kaza vakıflarının 1860-1861 yılındaki gelirleri, giderleri, mülkleri ve görevlileri ile ilgili bilgiler ortaya konulmuştur.

An obvious characteristic of computer games is stress, competition, and physiological alterations in the body. It is regarded as an important subject including those factors in e-sports, getting progressively popular in the digital era. The psychological and physiological impacts of e-sports, conducted in a competitive ambiance, on the body and mind over the course of competitions are not yet known. The aim of the paper is determining the impacts of players performing in e-sports games on some biochemical and hormonal factors shaped in the body during the game. In the group of research, there are twenty electronic sports volunteer players playing in e-sports games. Samples are gathered from the players in the study thirty minutes before and after electronic sports games. Given the results, it is concluded that e-sports players' ACTH, cortisol, and testosterone levels rose substantially.

This paper focuses on how the paramilitary organisations of the Turkish state have transformed and been used over time as a 'useful' tool against dissidents, especially the Kurds. Paramilitary groups have been one of the main actors in the war between the Turkish state and the PKK, which has been ongoing for nearly forty years. These groups have sometimes been used as auxiliary forces and at other times made into death squads operating alongside the official armed forces, and they have mainly been used against Kurdish civilians who allegedly support the PKK, especially at the height of the war in unsolved murders, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings since the 1980. In this article, I argue that the Turkish state elites use this apparatus not only in domestic politics but also in conflicts in the Middle East and the Caucasus and that this paramilitary tradition of the state even extends to western Europe.

In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self-identified Muslim youth and self-identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co-radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational political discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in-depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socio-economically, politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo-liberal governance.

ABSTRACT Immigration, foreign policy and international relations have become embedded fields of study over the last few decades. There is a growing stream of research stressing how foreign policy impacts international migration, and how past migration flows impact foreign policy. This article reveals how the Justice and Development Party government in Turkey has leveraged migration as a tool in international relations. Based on the application of the findings of three different Horizon 2020 research projects, this article will depict the ways in which various domestic and international political drivers have so far impacted Turkey's migration policy and relationship with the EU. Keywords: Arab Spring, Migration Diplomacy, Benevolence, Populism, Ottomanism ; This article is based on the findings of three Horizon 2020 research projects funded by the European Commission. "FEUTURE: The Future of EU-Turkey Relations" (No. 692976); "RESPOND: Multilevel governance of mass migration in Europe and beyond (Agreement No. 770564); and European Research Council Advanced Grant Project "ISLAM-OPHOB-ISM: Nativism, Islamophobism and Islamism in the Age of Populism" (No. 785934). I would like to thank Murat Erdoğan, Ayşe Tecmen, Funda Tekin, Darius Ribbe and the anonymous reviewers for their remarks and suggestions on the paper.

In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self‐identified Muslim youth and self‐identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co‐radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational polit‐ ical discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in‐depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socio‐economically, politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo‐liberal governance. ; This is the ibn print version of the article.

In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self-identified Muslim youth and self-identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co-radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational political discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in-depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socio-economically, politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo-liberal governance.

This paper discusses the role of pro-state paramilitary groups in Turkey's Kurdish conflict from the 1990s to the present. The role of paramilitaries in civil wars has been heavily discussed in general but remains understudied in the context of Turkey's war with the PKK. Turkish state authorities established a number of paramilitary groups in the initial stage of the conflict. Their impact grew during the 1990s in line with the change in the state's war strategy to a low-intensity conflict (LIC). This article discusses the evolution of the role of pro-state paramilitary groups in Turkey's war with the PKK, focusing on their changing relationship with government agencies. It characterizes the first half of the 1990s as the paramilitarisation of the state and demonstrates the continuing impact of this into the 2000s. The data was collected from media resources, interviews, criminal prosecutions of national and local cases, and NGO reports. Overall, this article develops a better understanding of the nexus between paramilitarism and the state through the prism of Turkey's Kurdish conflict.

The article focuses on the revolutionary narrative in the TV series Trotsky, which was released on the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution. Therefore, the general purpose of the study is to reveal the meaning of the October revolution in present-day Russia. A new reality has been tried to be constructed through the criticism of the cinematographic narrative and the method of planning and realizing the revolution.