Suchergebnisse

Preliminary Material /Adam L. Brackin and Natacha Guyot -- The Era of Homo Cyborg: Philosophical Aspects of Creating Enhanced 'Human' Beings /Ivana Greguric -- Posthuman 'Visions' and the (Un)Seeing of Class /Rob Wilkie -- Posthumanist Feminism and the Embodiment of Class /Jennifer Cotter -- Melancholia and Posthumanist Metaphysics /Kimberly DeFazio -- A Visual Semiotic Web-Text and the Viral Video: Scream and Shout /Raffaella Scelzi -- Britney Spears' 'Scream and Shout': Between Rejected Reality and Possible Imaginations /Giorgio Borrelli -- Adding Art to Artifice in Cyber Conversations /Barry Natusch -- The Fragile Monster or the Resurrection of Humanity: The Cyborg as the Mirrored Representation of Human Physical and Intellectual Desire /Judith Rahn -- To Beseech the Mods: Democratic Participation in Unequal Spaces /Michael Burnam-Fink -- What Lies beyond The Matrix? Transmogrification of a Traditional Chinese Technology /Petra Rehling -- Queering Cyberspace in New Delhi: Negotiating Femininity, Masculinity and Thirdness /Janina Geist -- Cyborgs and Consoles: Gender Performativity and the Liberatory Potential of Video Games /Jacqueline Marie Potvin -- The Representations of Cyborgs in Science Fiction Film: Vision, the Body, Gender and Technology /Elle-Sandrah Rheeder -- Ficto-Personal Communication: Defining Relationship-Based Communication with Fictional Characters /Adam L. Brackin -- Structuring Digital Exhibition Contents in the Multi-Touch Environment /Jaroslav Vancat and Daniel Riha -- Episodic Gaming: Interactive Narrative and Immersive Development /Richard Wirth -- Cyberpunk Goes East: Challenging the Western Culture in Contemporary Science Fiction /Krzysztof Solarewicz -- Strange Technology: Fictocriticism and the Cyborg /Michaela Atienza -- Virtual Trauma and Simulation: Cybernetic Performance in Wafaa Bilal's A Night of Bush Capturing: The Virtual Jihadi /Jenna Ann Altomonte.

Abstract
Background
Symptom burden affects quality of life and prognosis in primary brain tumor (PBT) patients. Knowing whether symptom burden varies based on sex, race, or ethnicity may affect the interpretation of the relationship between symptoms and survival may reveal issues with applying the tools to measure symptom burden to different groups and may identify inequities in symptom management that need to be addressed at a system level. To determine whether symptoms in PBT patients vary across demographic groups, we conducted a retrospective chart review of symptom burden collected as part of routine care in a diverse population.

Methods
Patient demographics and scores on the MD Anderson Symptom Inventory-Brain Tumor (MDASI-BT) module were extracted from the electronic medical record for patients seen in the Inova Neuro-oncology Clinic between March 2021 and June 2022. MDASI-BT scores were compared based on side of tumor, sex, race, and ethnicity for the entire population and for the subset with gliomas.

Results
We included 125 people, of whom 85 had gliomas. For both the entire group and the subgroup with gliomas, about 40% were female and about 40% were non-White race. No differences in symptom burden were seen between males and females. Pain and numbness/tingling symptom burden were higher in both the entire population and the glioma subgroup for people of Hispanic/Latino/Spanish ethnicity and for people of races other than White or Middle Eastern self-identification.

Conclusions
Pain, weakness, and numbness/tingling varied significantly across racial and ethnic groups. Further research is needed to validate this finding in other populations and determine its cause.

Text analysis, web scraping, and other computational techniques enable policy network researchers to efficiently obtain objective measures of network connections. However, the extent to which these observational methods differ from traditional survey instrument‐based measures remains an open question. Focusing on a large regional policy network of 221 organizations, this study compares a measure of collaboration generated via survey instrument to two different measures based upon internet hyperlinks and Twitter interactions between network actors. We address two questions: (1) To what extent do objective network measures based upon observed online interactions and subjective measures based upon self‐reported relationships reveal the same inter‐organizational partnerships and structural network dynamics? and (2) How useful are online network measures for supplementing survey‐based network measures? We find a significant, but substantively small, correlation between survey‐based measures and online interactions. Thus, online network measures may complement survey‐based measures, but likely reflect different aspects of the overall policy network. We conclude by discussing the potential for multiplex measures of policy networks that draw upon multiple measures to more fully understand policy network landscapes. These results bridge and help to contextualize prior work on policy network measures and virtual policy networks within the broader context of complex governance systems.

Scholarship on the unilateral presidency has focused on presidential policy making with the stroke of a pen. However, such studies overlook the influence that the public presidency can have on shaping the president's unilateral strategies. Our research question seeks to link these two elements by exploring the following question: under what conditions do presidents issue executive orders and proclamations as part of their public presidency? Using new data charting the use of these directives to target populations in society, we analyze the role of the political environment on engendering both more constituency‐based executive orders and proclamations. The results suggest presidents issue more constituency‐based proclamations, but not executive orders, when Congress and the executive branch are more likely to disagree on policy or when Congress is institutionally stronger compared to the president. Presidents are less likely to issue these orders during election years (for proclamations), in changing popularity, or when their party has returned to office. The implications suggest the importance of broadening the study of unilateral orders to link the public and administrative presidencies.

Abstract
Consumers assess their well-being subjectively, largely by comparing the present state of their lives to the state of comparable others and to their own state earlier in time. The authors suggest that consumers similarly assess their financial well-being, and when these evaluations highlight a deficit in their financial position, they pursue strategies that mitigate the associated sense of financial deprivation. Specifically, consumers counteract the relative deficit in their financial resources by acquiring goods that are consequently unavailable to other consumers in their environment. The results from five studies suggest that the inferiority and unpleasant affect associated with financial deprivation motivates consumers to attend to, choose, and consume scarce goods rather than comparable abundant goods. These effects diminish when scarce goods are limited because other people have already obtained them and when consumers attribute their unpleasant feelings to a source unrelated to financial deprivation.

Scholars of the unilateral presidency are left with an empirical puzzle regarding whether and how divided government influences presidential use of executive orders. While the strategic model suggests that presidents should issue more executive orders when faced with an adverse situation vis‐à‐vis Congress, most of the research finds just the opposite. We offer a more appropriate test of the strategic model by examining how presidential‐congressional adversity influences presidential decisions to issue symbolic, routine, and major policy executive orders. We find support for the strategic model and present new findings to demonstrate that presidents behave differently with respect to distinct types of executive orders during periods of unified and divided government.

Intro -- INCOME AND WEALTH DISTRIBUTIONPERSPECTIVES AND CONSIDERATIONS -- INCOME AND WEALTH DISTRIBUTIONPERSPECTIVES AND CONSIDERATIONS -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- Chapter 1 THE US INCOME DISTRIBUTION AND MOBILITY: TRENDS AND INTERNATIONAL COMPARISONS -- SUMMARY -- INTRODUCTION -- MEASURES OF INCOME -- MEASURES OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF INCOME -- EXPLAINING RECENT TRENDS IN THE DISTRIBUTION OF US HOUSEHOLD INCOME -- INTERNATIONAL COMPARISONSOF INCOME DISTRIBUTIONS -- EXPLAINING CROSS-COUNTRY DIFFERENCES IN THEDISTRIBUTION OF INCOME -- INCOME MOBILITY IN THE UNITED STATES -- Intergenerational Mobility -- Cross-Country Comparisons of Intergenerational Mobility -- Intragenerational Mobility -- CONCLUDING REMARKS -- End Notes -- Chapter 2 THE DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME AND THE MIDDLE CLASS -- SUMMARY -- INTRODUCTION -- THE DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME -- THE MIDDLE CLASS -- Absolute Income -- Relative Income -- End Notes -- Chapter 3 FINANCE AND THE ECONOMY: OCCUPY WALL STREET IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE -- SUMMARY -- WHY OCCUPY WALL STREET? -- VIEWS OF FINANCE IN US HISTORY -- RECENT ECONOMIC RESEARCH -- Size of the Financial Industry -- Compensation -- Income Inequality -- Less Stable Financial System -- Costs of Financial Crises -- CONCLUSION -- End Notes -- Chapter 4 THE TREND IN FAMILY INCOME FROM 1979 TO 2010 -- SUMMARY -- INTRODUCTION -- FAMILY INCOME: WHY IT MATTERS AND POLICIESTO IMPROVE IT -- DEFINITIONS USED IN THE REPORT -- THE TREND IN FAMILY INCOME -- Longer-Term Trends -- The Distribution of Family Income -- Annual Hours Worked -- The Level of Family Income -- All Families -- Married Couples -- Family Earnings Per Hour and Total Hours Worked -- Earnings Per Hour Worked All Families -- Married Couples -- Hours Worked -- All Families -- Married Couples -- The Separate Effects of Hourly Earnings and Hours Workedon Total Family Earnings

The pervasiveness of partisan media and the 24/7 news cycle allow ample opportunity for partisan-motivated reasoning and selective exposure. Nonetheless, individuals still frequently encounter out-party media outlets and expert pundits through mainstream news and social media. We seek to examine the effects of cross-cutting partisan outlet cues (e.g. Fox News, MSNBC) and direct party cues (e.g. Republican, Democrat) on citizens' perceptions of ideology, source credibility, and news consumption. Using an experiment that pits outlet cues against direct party cues, we find that cross-cutting outlet and direct party cues lead citizens to perceive pundits as more ideologically moderate. As a result, respondents find out-party pundits on in-party outlets to be less biased, increasing interest in the pundits' perspectives. However, while cross-cutting pundits gain among the out-party, they lose among the in-party. This trade-off holds important normative implications for individual news consumption and the ability of outlets and pundits to appear unbiased while garnering the largest possible audience.