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The mandate-independence controversy still features prominently in studies of political representation even though the problems with its theoretical foundation and empirical operationalization have long been recognized. This article proposes an alternative typology of modes of representation. By combining type of control (ex ante or ex post) with direction of the interactions (bottom-up or top-down), our study captures the most important aspects of the relationship between voters and representatives. We demonstrate how the typology can be used in a survey instrument by comparing the attitudes toward representation of Dutch members of Parliament with the attitudes held by voters, and by relating the views of the members to their behavior.

ABSTRACTA rapid increase in the non‐manual proportion of the labour force has characterised most Western nations over the past 50 years. This development appears to have had an especial impact on the socio‐economic composition and work, market and status position of the group of white‐collar workers on the lower fringes of the non‐manual stratum, and many theorists have expected that it would have implications too for their political behaviour and social attitudes. There have been a variety of prognostications, but very little supportive evidence of reactions at the individual level. Our empirical analysis of white‐collar workers in Britain and the Netherlands suggests, however, that they have not responded to change in the expected, rather dramatic way, but that the aggregate pattern of their partisanship and political attitudes remains "intermediate" between those of the solid middle and working‐class groups. Further examination shows that such a finding should not be surprising, for white‐collar workers have not been universally subject to similar experiences nor would they be likely to interpret them in exactly similar ways. Rather they constitute a group whose diverse political and social backgrounds continue importantly to influence their behaviour and outlook and to militate against any strong, "class‐based" reaction to socio‐economic change.

A rapid increase in the non-manual proportion of the labour force has characterised most Western nations over the past 50 years. This development appears to have had an especial impact on the socio-economic composition and work, market and status position of the group of white-collar workers on the lower fringes of the non-manual stratum, and many theorists have expected that it would have implications too for their political behaviour and social attitudes. There have been a variety of prognostications, but very little supportive evidence of reactions at the individual level. Our empirical analysis of white-collar workers in Britain and the Netherlands suggests, however, that they have not responded to change in the expected, rather dramatic way, but that the aggregate pattern of their partisanship and political attitudes remains "intermediate" between those of the solid middle and working-class groups. Further examination shows that such a finding should not be surprising, for white-collar workers have not been universally subject to similar experiences nor would they be likely to interpret them in exactly similar ways. Rather they constitute a group whose diverse political and social backgrounds continue importantly to influence their behaviour and outlook and to militate against any strong, "class-based" reaction to socio-economic change.

Intro -- Contents -- List of Features -- List of Maps -- List of Boxes -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Preface to the Fifth Edition -- Acknowledgements -- 1: The Country, the Nation, and the State -- A 'SMALL' COUNTRY -- THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE WATER -- THREE BOUNDARIES -- The Boundaries of Language and Religion -- The Political Boundary -- NATIONAL IDENTITY AND POLITICAL CULTURE -- Calvinism and Tolerance -- Civil Society -- CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT -- 2: A Country of Minorities -- STABILITY UNDER THREAT -- Minorities -- Pillarization -- CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY -- ALTERNATIVE INTERPRETATIONS -- DEPILLARIZATION -- MULTICULTURALISM AS A NEW SOCIAL CLEAVAGE? -- THE CONSEQUENCES OF DEPILLARIZATION -- 3: Political Parties and the Party System -- PARTIES AND CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY -- Party Families -- Christian Democrats -- Socialists and Social Democrats -- A Particular Shade of Green -- Liberals -- Populist Right -- Nonfamily Parties -- POLITICAL PARTY SYSTEM -- The Numerical Criterion -- Dimensionality -- PARTY ORGANIZATION -- Party Structure -- Party Membership -- Party Finances -- Membership Dues -- Government Subsidies -- Gifts and Donations -- New Proposals -- PARTIES AND ELECTIONS -- Candidate Selection: The List -- Candidate Selection: The List-Puller -- A DECLINE OF PARTIES? -- 4: Elections -- THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM -- General Characteristics -- Few Shall Be Chosen -- Absence of Geographical Representation -- Extreme Proportionality -- Legal Requirements and Procedures -- Ballot Access -- Voter Eligibility -- The Simple Act of Voting -- Preference Votes -- Turnout -- Determining the Results -- Reforming the Electoral System -- CAMPAIGNING -- Election Campaigns in the Media -- ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR -- From a Structured to an Open Model -- Ideology and Issues -- A New Dimension -- Choice Sets -- ACTOR PERSPECTIVE -- Models Retested.