This paper seeks to develop a comprehensive analytical framework for studying the politics of economic growth by engaging with three literatures in comparative political economy: the literature on producer-group coalitions, the literature on electoral politics and constrained partisanship and, finally, the literature on the role of ideas. Drawing on Gramsci, we argue that "social blocs" should be conceived as enduring constellations of sectoral and class interests that are organized in hierarchical manner, with certain components of the social bloc being privileged relative to others. We argue further that mainstream political parties compete with each other based, in part, on claims to competence as managers of the social bloc and that economic voting explains the political influence of economic sectors that are critical to the particular growth models that different countries have adopted. Finally, we emphasize that social blocs have an important ideological dimension. We illustrate these claims through stylized case studies of the politics of economic growth in Germany and Sweden since the early 1990s.
This paper develops an analytical approach to comparative political economy that focuses on the relative importance of different components of aggregate demand—in the first instance, exports and household consumption—and dynamic relations among the "demand drivers" of growth. We illustrate this approach by comparing patterns of economic growth in Germany, Italy, Sweden and the UK over the period 1994-2007. Our discussion emphasizes that export-led growth and consumption-led growth have different implications for distributive conflict.
O paper estuda o caso da recente reforma da Previdência na Itália, ilustrando a possibilidade de uma participação positiva dos sindicatos — tradicionalmente contrários às reformas — no processo de transformação do setor público. Após uma revisão do sistema previdenciário italiano, altamente fragmentado e particularista na opinião dos autores, e o apontamento de suas principais deficiências, o estudo concentra-se na análise de três propostas de reforma ligadas aos governos de Amato (1992-93), Berlusconi (1994) e Dini (1995), respectivamente. O texto aborda tanto as propostas concretas de mudança, trazendo contribuições sobre uma variedade considerável de medidas, seu impacto e aceitação sociais e por categoria, como os objetivos visados e o processo político relacionado à sua discussão e tramitação. Uma preocupação constante dos autores é a correlação entre a postura e a participação dos sindicatos em matéria de reforma previdenciária, por um lado, e o avanço das propostas governamentais, por outro. Segundo o estudo, a ampla participação da força sindical na negociação do projeto de reforma previdenciária do governo Dini representou um fator decisivo para sua aprovação e implementação bem-sucedidas.
Dieser Aufsatz betrachtet Veränderungen in makrosoziologischen Gesellschaftsvorstellungen, die traditionell von der primitiven über die mittelalterlich geschichtete Gesellschaft zur funktionell differenzierten modernen Gesellschaft führen. Verändert man die systemtheoretische zu einer akteurtheoretischen Perspektive, die mit Populationen individueller Akteure und Organisationen als kollektiven Akteuren arbeitet, werden wichtige strukturelle Veränderungen in westlichen Gesellschaften sichtbar. Die wichtigsten Veränderungen betreffen die ökonomische Globalisierung und die finanzielle Internationalisierung. Eine zunehmend flexibel agierende Population individueller Akteure und auf eng definierte Ziele orientierte Organisationen führen zu einer Situation, die heute als Instabilität wahrgenommen wird, obwohl ihre Ursachen über ein halbes Jahrhundert zurück reichen.
"The Global Financial Crisis and the following period of 'secular stagnation' have raised questions about the state of modern economics and macroeconomics in particular. This has had repercussions for social sciences that deal with economic issues. In particular in the fields of International Political Economy (IPE) and Comparative Political Economy (CPE) there is rising interest in non-mainstream macroeconomic theories (Blyth and Matthijs 2017, Baccaro and Pontussen 2016). In CPE there is a recognition that the field has in the past decades increasingly shifted to institutional and microeconomic questions and disregarded Keynesian considerations of macroeconomic instability and problems of fallacies of composition (Schwartz and Tranoy 2019). The purpose of this chapter is to give an overview of post-Keynesian economics (PKE) as a non-mainstream macroeconomic theory."
The COVID-19 pandemic may lead to a resurgence of the euro crisis. In this context, Italy seems particularly vulnerable: support for the euro is lower than in most other eurozone countries, and a possible exit could have serious consequences for the common currency. Based on a novel survey experiment, this paper shows that the pro-euro coalition is fragile in Italy and preferences are malleable. They are heavily dependent on the perceived costs of continued membership, as a majority of Italians would opt for Italexit rather than accepting a bailout plan requiring the implementation of austerity policies. Individuals who feel they have not benefited from the euro are most likely to support exit when faced with the prospect of austerity. This suggests that, differently from Greece, where voters were determined to remain in the euro at all costs, the pro-euro coalition may crumble if Italy is exposed to harsh conditionality.
AbstractWhile research on the economic characteristics of growth models across countries is now extensive, research on their politics is in its infancy, even though governments routinely pursue different strategies to generate growth. In particular, we lack evidence on (1) whether citizens have coherent preferences towards growth strategies, (2) what growth strategies citizens prefer and (3) what shapes their preferences. We address these questions through a new survey of public opinion in Germany, Italy, Sweden and the United Kingdom, which exemplify different economic models. We find that preferences for growth strategies are consistent with other policy preferences and are meaningfully structured by class, retirement status, and to a lesser extent, sector of employment. At the same time, differences across class and sector are small, and a large majority of respondents across countries favour wage‐led growth. This hints at a possible 'representation gap' since this growth strategy is in crisis everywhere.
The COVID-19 pandemic worsened Italy's fiscal outlook by increasing public debt. If interest rates were to rise, it would become more likely that Italy experiences a financial crisis and requires a European bailout. How does making EU funds conditional on austerity and structural reforms affect Italians' support for the euro? Based on a novel survey experiment, this article shows that a majority of voters chooses to remain in the euro if a bailout does not involve conditionality, but the pro-euro majority turns into a relative majority for 'Italexit' if the bailout is contingent on austerity policies. Blaming different actors for the fiscal crisis has little effect on support. These results suggest that conditionality may turn Italian voters against the euro.
The COVID-19 pandemic may lead to a resurgence of the euro crisis. In this context, Italy seems particularly vulnerable: support for the euro is lower than in most other eurozone countries, and a possible exit could have serious consequences for the common currency. Based on a novel survey experiment, this paper shows that the pro-euro coalition is fragile in Italy and preferences are malleable. They are heavily dependent on the perceived costs of continued membership, as a majority of Italians would opt for Italexit rather than accepting a bailout plan requiring the implementation of austerity policies. Individuals who feel they have not benefited from the euro are most likely to support exit when faced with the prospect of austerity. This suggests that, differently from Greece, where voters were determined to remain in the euro at all costs, the pro-euro coalition may crumble if Italy is exposed to harsh conditionality. ; Die COVID-19-Pandemie hat das Potenzial, zu einem Wiederaufleben der Eurokrise beizutragen. Italien erscheint unter diesen Umständen besonders verwundbar: Die Unterstützung für den Euro ist geringer als in den meisten anderen Ländern der Eurozone und ein möglicher Ausstieg Italiens aus dem Euro könnte schwerwiegende Folgen für die gesamte Währungsunion haben. Anhand eines neuen Umfrageexperiments zeigt dieses Papier, dass das den Euro unterstützende gesellschaftliche Bündnis in Italien brüchig ist und die Präferenzen in der italienischen Wählerschaft in hohem Maße veränderlich sind. Individuelle Präferenzen zum Euro hängen stark von den wahrgenommenen Kosten einer fortwährenden Mitgliedschaft im Euro ab. Eine Mehrheit der Italienerinnen und Italiener würde eher für einen Italexit stimmen, als ein Rettungspaket zu akzeptieren, welches die Umsetzung von Austeritätspolitik erfordern würde. Sind die Befragten mit der Aussicht auf Austeritätspolitik konfrontiert, stimmen insbesondere diejenigen für einen Ausstieg Italiens aus dem Euro, die glauben, dass der Euro ihnen nicht genutzt habe. Im Gegensatz zu Griechenland, wo Wählerinnen und Wähler entschlossen waren, zu jedem Preis im Euro zu verbleiben, zeigt dieser Befund, dass das Pro-Euro-Bündnis in Italien auseinanderfallen könnte, sollte Italien mit einer harten Austeritätspolitik konfrontiert sein.
This special issue wants to honour the memory of Giulio Regeni, a PhD student at the University of Cambridge who was assassinated while he was conducting field research on independent trade unions in Egypt. This introduction and the following articles focus on the theoretical, empirical and methodological questions at the core of Regeni's research. Unions have traditionally been regarded as crucial for representing the interests of the working class as a whole and for building and sustaining industrial and political democracy; however, there is a debate about the conditions under which unions can be effective, and the role of unions' internal democracy is particularly controversial. The article discusses the theoretical linkages between trade unions, democratization and union democracy and concludes with a reflection on the new concerns about the risk of conducting field research on these issues raised by Regeni's death.
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the developments which have characterized Italy's industrial relations from post-war Fordism to neo-liberal hegemony and recent crisis, with a particular focus on the major changes occurred in the twenty-first century, especially those concerning concertative (tripartite) policy making between the government, the employers' organizations and the trade unions.
Design/methodology/approach This study is a conceptual paper which analysis of main development trends.
Findings Italy's industrial relations in the twenty-first century are characterized by ambivalent features which are the heritage of the past. These are summarized as follows: "collective autonomy" as a classical source of strength for trade unions and employers' organization, on the one hand. On the other hand, a low level of legislative regulation and weak institutionalization, accompanied by little engagement in a generalized "participative-collaborative" model. Due to the instability in the socio-political setting in the twenty-first century, unions and employers encounter growing difficulties to affirm their common points of view and to build up stable institutions that could support cooperation between them. The result is a clear reversal of the assumptions that had formed the classical backdrop of the paradigm of Italy's "political exchange." This paradigm has long influenced the way in which the relationships between employers, trade unions and the state were conceived, especially during 1990s and, to some extent, during 2000s, that is the development of concertative (tripartite) policy making. However, since the end of 2000s, and particularly from 2010s onwards national governments have stated their intention to act independently of the choices made by the unions (and partially the employers). The outcome is the eclipse of concertation. The paper explores how the relationships among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers, and the state and how politics have evolved, within a dynamic socio-political and economic context. These are the essential factors needed to understand Italy's industrial relations in the twenty-first century.
Originality/value It shows that understanding the relationship among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers and the state and their politics is essential to understand the change occurred in contemporary Italy's industrial relations.
An experiment on the extension of the political rights of foreigners in the Swiss city of Geneva used three different procedural ways to structure deliberation: participants take positions at the outset, do not take positions, and reflect first. Most opinion change occurred when participants did not have to take a position at the outset. However, no learning effects were recorded, the deliberative quality was poor and group influence had the greatest impact. When participants had to take a position at the outset, opinion change and group influence were least, but there was significant learning, and the deliberative quality was better. These results indicate a potential trade-off between opinion change – which many scholars equate with deliberative success – and good procedural deliberative quality.
