Suchergebnisse

The present edition of the Human Rights in Development Yearbook is the thirteenth edition in this series. With this volume, the yearbook's formal structure has shifted from that of a journal to a thematic anthology. The theme of this year's volume is "Reparations: Redressing Past Wrongs". The articles contained in the publication primarily stem from contributions prepared for a conference entitled "The Right to Compensation and Related Remedies for Racial Discrimination" that was hosted by the Danish Centre for Human Rights in April 2001. The conference was organised in anticipation of the World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, which was held in Durban in September 2001. The publication consists of 15 articles divided into four main parts addressing the subjects of "Reparations at the National and Regional Levels", "Precedence and Standing of International Law", "The Moral and Social Aspects of Reparation" and "Reflections". Human Rights in Development is the result of a joint research project born out of longstanding co-operation between the following research institutes and centres for human rights: the Christian Michelsen Institute, Bergen; the Danish Centre for Human Rights, Copenhagen; the Icelandic Human Rights Centre, Reykjavik; the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute of Human Rights, Vienna; the International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development, Montreal; the Netherlands Institute of Human Rights, Utrecht; the Norwegian Institute of Human Rights, Oslo; the Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Lund and Åbo Academy University, Åbo

Cet article analyse quatre phénomènes sociaux et politiques majeurs qui ont précédé la chute d'Abdelaziz Bouteflika, en avril 2019 : la délégitimation de la politique traditionnelle, la marginalisation de la société civile, la paralysie des processus informels de décision politique et la transformation de la politique contestataire. Pris ensemble, ces phénomènes ont contribué à creuser les divisions entre l'appareil d'État et les acteurs sociaux, que le mouvement de protestation de masse qui avait vu le jour deux mois plus tôt a transformées en rupture historique. Le Hirak a ainsi mis fin au modèle d'organisation des rapports entre l'État et la société qui, en dépit de ses nombreux échecs, avait permis de sortir l'Algérie de la guerre civile, et ouvert la voie à l'émergence d'un nouveau régime politique.

Prospects for Democracy and Human Rights in Algeria -- The present report summarizes key findings from unpublished research papers discussed at a series of closed webinars in the fall of 2020. The webinars brought together researchers, human rights defenders, and human rights and pro-democracy organisations working in Algeria. The seminars were jointly organised by EuroMed Rights, Dignity, the Danish Institute for Human Rights, and the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Foundation. The report is published by EuroMed Rights in collaboration with Dignity, the Danish Institute for Human rights and Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Foundation under the framework of the HRDC consortium funded by the Danish-Arab Partnership Program. ; Le présent compte-rendu résume les principales conclusions tirées de documents de recherche non publiés, abordés lors d'une série de webinaires fermés à l'automne 2020. Les webinaires ont réuni des chercheur-se-s, des défenseur-se-s des droits humains et des organisations de défense des droits humains et de la démocratie travaillant en Algérie. Les séminaires ont été organisés conjointement par EuroMed Droits, Dignity, l'Institut danois des droits de l'homme et la Fondation euro-méditerranéenne de soutien aux défenseur-e-s des droits de l'homme. Le rapport est publié par EuroMed Droits en collaboration avec Dignity, l'Institut danois des droits de l'homme et la Fondation euro-méditerranéenne des droits de l'homme dans le cadre du consortium HRDC financé par le programme de partenariat dano-arabe.

Prospects for Democracy and Human Rights in Algeria -- The present report summarizes key findings from unpublished research papers discussed at a series of closed webinars in the fall of 2020. The webinars brought together researchers, human rights defenders, and human rights and pro-democracy organisations working in Algeria. The seminars were jointly organised by EuroMed Rights, Dignity, the Danish Institute for Human Rights, and the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Foundation. The report is published by EuroMed Rights in collaboration with Dignity, the Danish Institute for Human rights and Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Foundation under the framework of the HRDC consortium funded by the Danish-Arab Partnership Program. ; Le présent compte-rendu résume les principales conclusions tirées de documents de recherche non publiés, abordés lors d'une série de webinaires fermés à l'automne 2020. Les webinaires ont réuni des chercheur-se-s, des défenseur-se-s des droits humains et des organisations de défense des droits humains et de la démocratie travaillant en Algérie. Les séminaires ont été organisés conjointement par EuroMed Droits, Dignity, l'Institut danois des droits de l'homme et la Fondation euro-méditerranéenne de soutien aux défenseur-e-s des droits de l'homme. Le rapport est publié par EuroMed Droits en collaboration avec Dignity, l'Institut danois des droits de l'homme et la Fondation euro-méditerranéenne des droits de l'homme dans le cadre du consortium HRDC financé par le programme de partenariat dano-arabe.

This paper analyses the drivers behind some of the different types of proliferation of armed groups in power and politics that have taken place in the Middle East and North Africa after 2011. Based on thick empirical description and analysis of the highly distinct ways that armed groups have proliferated in Egypt and in Libya since 2011, the paper pinpoints two key dynamics: first, a process of "militarization of contention" in which regime-orchestrated repression drives forth a transformation of contentious politics from non-violent to armed forms of action. Second, a process of "militia-ization of politics" in which warfare, foreign interventions and the weakness of nascent state institutions drives forth a process in which armed actors are allowed to consolidate and expand their influence politics without necessarily sharing ideology or political agendas. The paper ends by drawing a number of policy-oriented conclusions with the aim to inspire international and local actors who seek to engage in tackling these threats and challenges.

This report analyses the reasons for European policy-makers coming to perceivethe Sahel as a threat to Europe's own security and stability. It starts by presentingthe most recent developments in the Sahel and Maghreb regions in respect of thetwo most significant threats to European security and stability: trans-nationaljihadism and cross-border migration. The report provides in-depth analysis of aseries of the most important factors that are driving the increases in jihadism andmigration, including the persistence of state weakness in the Sahel, the collapse ofthe state in Libya and the failure of regional collaboration. Furthermore, the reportanalyses the most significant developments in the international community'sresponses to the most recent conflicts and crises in the Sahel and Maghreb,including the foreign policies of France, which remains the single most importantforeign actor in the Sahel, the European Union and Denmark. The report closes witha series of suggestions regarding how the European powers, especially Denmark,might adjust their policies in order to increase the likelihood of long-term peace andstability being generated in the region.

This report analyses the reasons for European policy-makers coming to perceivethe Sahel as a threat to Europe's own security and stability. It starts by presentingthe most recent developments in the Sahel and Maghreb regions in respect of thetwo most significant threats to European security and stability: trans-nationaljihadism and cross-border migration. The report provides in-depth analysis of aseries of the most important factors that are driving the increases in jihadism andmigration, including the persistence of state weakness in the Sahel, the collapse ofthe state in Libya and the failure of regional collaboration. Furthermore, the reportanalyses the most significant developments in the international community'sresponses to the most recent conflicts and crises in the Sahel and Maghreb,including the foreign policies of France, which remains the single most importantforeign actor in the Sahel, the European Union and Denmark. The report closes witha series of suggestions regarding how the European powers, especially Denmark,might adjust their policies in order to increase the likelihood of long-term peace andstability being generated in the region.

While the recent collapse of political order in the Arab World calls for short term security politics, Europe has a long-term interest in remaining steadfast in its push for political reform. In a new DIIS report, Rasmus Alenius Boserup and Jakob Wichmann explore the trajectory of the collapse of political order in the Arab World after the uprisings of 2011 and provide a series of general pointers for Western and Arab policy makers. Providing empirical evidence from a host of Arab countries including Egypt, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Iraq, the report identifies the contours of a new hybrid in Arab authoritarian governance - "Unstable Authoritarianism" - and provides a series of reflections about the possible policy responses this should be met with. A central point in the report is that while the current instability and reshaping of authoritarian governance in the region legitimately calls for anti-terrorism and security politics, the long-term development of an alternative governance model remains pivotal for Europe's long-term security concerns.