Suchergebnisse

�Child protection systems are expected to scrutinise the care offered to children and to coordinate the provision of improved quality of care. They are under stress in many developed countries with burgeoning case loads and a mixture of positive and negative outcomes. Because child protection systems seek to change the course of parenting, they can be thought of as highly formalised regulatory systems that cut across one of our most entrenched informal systems how parents raise children. This paper asks whether the stress experienced by child protection workers, support agencies and families alike is associated in part with failures to satisfactorily address three basic regulatory principles: identifying the purposes of the intervention; justifying the intervention in a way that is respectful of broader principles of democratic governance; and understanding how the informal regulatory system intersects with the formal child protection system. Child protection interventions are plagued by multiple purposes that are not necessarily compatible; non-transparent processes; and a high risk of counter-productive outcomes

A qualitative study explored the private realities of forty‐five Australian Indigenous parents and carers who had experiences with child protection authorities. Interviews focused on the nature of the relationship between parents and authorities, how these regulatory encounters served to enlist or dissolve cooperation, and how child‐focused outcomes could be delivered. The descriptions of encounters with authorities challenged the public hope for reconciliation between government and Indigenous Australians through reports of procedural injustice, failure by the authority to communicate and demonstrate soundness of purpose, and through lack of interest in identity affirmation and relationship building. In spite of these perceptions of integrity failings in how child protection authorities have operated, a positive role was acknowledged for authorities' future involvement, albeit with different strategies from those currently experienced. How this progression might be facilitated by principles of restorative justice and responsive regulation is discussed.

The central proposition of motivational posturing theory is that regulatees place social distance between themselves and authority, communicating the nature of that distance through a narrative that protects the self from negative appraisal by the authority. One of the key components of posturing is the coping sensibility that individuals adopt to manage the threat of authority. At a baseline level, authorities make demands on citizens and as such threaten individual freedom. At the highest level, authorities threaten through punishment for non‐compliance. Data collected from 3,253 randomly selected Australian taxpayers and a special group of 2,292 taxpayers in conflict with the tax authority are used to show that in both groups, three coping sensibilities contribute to posturing ("thinking morally,""feeling oppressed," and "taking control"), and that all three sensibilities are significantly heightened in the group experiencing conflict with the authority. The article argues that the most effective regulatory outcome is achieved when the regulatory process can dampen the "taking control" and "feeling oppressed" sensibilities, and strengthen the "thinking morally" sensibility. Responsive regulation is an approach that encourages tax authorities to read motivational postures, understand the sensibilities that shape them, and tailor a regulatory intervention accordingly.

Healing a fractured transition to democracy --Papua /John Braithwaite, Michael Cookson, Valerie Braithwaite and Leah Dunn --Maluku and North Maluku /John Braithwaite with Leah Dunn --Central Sulawesi --West Kalimantan and Central Kalimantan --Aceh --First steps towards a theory of peacebuilding.

Indonesia suffered an explosion of religious violence, ethnic violence, separatist violence, terrorism, and violence by criminal gangs, the security forces and militias in the late 1990s and early 2000s. By 2002 Indonesia had the worst terrorism problem of any nation. All these forms of violence have now fallen dramatically. How was this accomplished? What drove the rise and the fall of violence? Anomie theory is deployed to explain these developments. Sudden institutional change at the time of the Asian financial crisis and the fall of President Suharto meant the rules of the game were up for grabs. Valerie Braithwaite's motivational postures theory is used to explain the gaming of the rules and the disengagement from authority that occurred in that era. Ultimately resistance to Suharto laid a foundation for commitment to a revised, more democratic, institutional order. The peacebuilding that occurred was not based on the high-integrity truth-seeking and reconciliation that was the normative preference of these authors. Rather it was based on non-truth, sometimes lies, and yet substantial reconciliation. This poses a challenge to restorative justice theories of peacebuilding.

Indonesia suffered an explosion of religious violence, ethnic violence, separatist violence, terrorism, and violence by criminal gangs, the security forces and militias in the late 1990s and early 2000s. By 2002 Indonesia had the worst terrorism problem of any nation. All these forms of violence have now fallen dramatically. How was this accomplished? What drove the rise and the fall of violence? Anomie theory is deployed to explain these developments. Sudden institutional change at the time of the Asian financial crisis and the fall of President Suharto meant the rules of the game were up for grabs. Valerie Braithwaite's motivational postures theory is used to explain the gaming of the rules and the disengagement from authority that occurred in that era. Ultimately resistance to Suharto laid a foundation for commitment to a revised, more democratic, institutional order. The peacebuilding that occurred was not based on the high-integrity truth-seeking and reconciliation that was the normative preference of these authors. Rather it was based on non-truth, sometimes lies, and yet substantial reconciliation. This poses a challenge to restorative justice theories of peacebuilding. ; Indonesia suffered an explosion of religious violence, ethnic violence, separatist violence, terrorism, and violence by criminal gangs, the security forces and militias in the late 1990s and early 2000s. By 2002 Indonesia had the worst terrorism problem of any nation. All these forms of violence have now fallen dramatically. How was this accomplished? What drove the rise and the fall of violence? Anomie theory is deployed to explain these developments. Sudden institutional change at the time of the Asian financial crisis and the fall of President Suharto meant the rules of the game were up for grabs. Valerie Braithwaite's motivational postures theory is used to explain the gaming of the rules and the disengagement from authority that occurred in that era. Ultimately resistance to Suharto laid a foundation for commitment to a revised, more democratic, institutional order. The peacebuilding that occurred was not based on the high-integrity truth-seeking and reconciliation that was the normative preference of these authors. Rather it was based on non-truth, sometimes lies, and yet substantial reconciliation. This poses a challenge to restorative justice theories of peacebuilding.

Indonesia suffered an explosion of religious violence, ethnic violence, separatist violence, terrorism, and violence by criminal gangs, the security forces and militias in the late 1990s and early 2000s. By 2002 Indonesia had the worst terrorism problem of any nation. All these forms of violence have now fallen dramatically. How was this accomplished? What drove the rise and the fall of violence? Anomie theory is deployed to explain these developments. Sudden institutional change at the time of the Asian financial crisis and the fall of President Suharto meant the rules of the game were up for grabs. Valerie Braithwaite's motivational postures theory is used to explain the gaming of the rules and the disengagement from authority that occurred in that era. Ultimately resistance to Suharto laid a foundation for commitment to a revised, more democratic, institutional order. The peacebuilding that occurred was not based on the high-integrity truth-seeking and reconciliation that was the normative preference of these authors. Rather it was based on non-truth, sometimes lies, and yet substantial reconciliation. This poses a challenge to restorative justice theories of peacebuilding.

The Community Hopes, Fears and Actions Survey was mailed to a random sample of Australians between June and October 2000. The purpose of the survey was to obtain a snapshot of the beliefs, attitudes, values, and motivations that Australian citizens held in relation to the Australian Taxation Office (Tax Office), the tax system, Australian democracy, and fellow taxpayers during the first phase of tax reform. The survey was designed to canvass a broad range of issues relating to taxation in Australia and produced data on some 500 variables (see Braithwaite, 2001). The survey questionnaire was divided into 12 sections. Respondents were encouraged to take breaks, rather than complete the questionnaire in one sitting, and were reminded to do so during the questionnaire. The sample was selected from publicly available electoral rolls, and thus included both taxpayers and non-taxpayers. The sampling frame excluded those who participated in the tax system but were ineligible to vote because they were under 18 years of age, not Australian citizens, or were excluded on other criteria. Useable replies were received from 2040 respondents, giving a response rate of 29%. Overall, the final sample matched the social demographic profile of Australia reasonably well. Details concerning the methodology of the survey are provided in Working Paper No. 4 (Mearns & Braithwaite, 2001). The present working paper is divided into two parts. Part 1 (overview) explains what is being measured in each section of the survey and highlights findings from the survey that will be followed up in future working papers. Part 2 (basic descriptive findings) details the breakdown of responses to each of the questions asked in the survey.

The Community Hopes, Fears and Actions Survey was mailed to a random sample of Australians between June and October 2000. The purpose of the survey was to obtain a snapshot of the beliefs, attitudes, values, and motivations that Australian citizens held in relation to the Australian Taxation Office (Tax Office), the tax system, Australian democracy, and fellow taxpayers during the first phase of tax reform. The survey was designed to canvass a broad range of issues relating to taxation in Australia and produced data on some 500 variables (see Braithwaite, 2001). The survey questionnaire was divided into 12 sections. Respondents were encouraged to take breaks, rather than complete the questionnaire in one sitting, and were reminded to do so during the questionnaire. The sample was selected from publicly available electoral rolls, and thus included both taxpayers and non-taxpayers. The sampling frame excluded those who participated in the tax system but were ineligible to vote because they were under 18 years of age, not Australian citizens, or were excluded on other criteria. Useable replies were received from 2040 respondents, giving a response rate of 29%. Overall, the final sample matched the social demographic profile of Australia reasonably well. Details concerning the methodology of the survey are provided in Working Paper No. 4 (Mearns & Braithwaite, 2001). The present working paper is divided into two parts. Part 1 (overview) explains what is being measured in each section of the survey and highlights findings from the survey that will be followed up in future working papers. Part 2 (basic descriptive findings) details the breakdown of responses to each of the questions asked in the survey.