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But that from which things arise ( genesis) also give rise to their passing away ( phtora) according to what is necessary ( kata to chreon); for things render justice ( dike) and pay penalty ( tisis) for their injustice ( adikias), according to the ordinance of time. The Anaximander Fragment

The refugee is a scandal for philosophy in that the refugee recalls the radical instability of meaning and the incalculability of the human. The refugee is a scandal for politics also, however, in that the advent of the refugee is always a reproach to the formation of the political order subjectivity which necessarily gives rise to the refugee. The scandal is intensified for any politics of identity which presupposes that the goal of politics is the realization of sovereign identity. The principal argument, then, is that what I will call the scandal of the refugee illuminates both the fundamental ontological determinations of international politics and the character of political action, because the refugee is both a function of the intentional political destruction of the ontological horizons of people's always already heterogeneous worlds, and effects an equally fundamental deconstruction of the ontological horizons which constitute the equally heterogeneous worlds into which, as refugees, these people are precipitated. It is precisely on this concrete and corporeal site that both the ontological horizons and the allied political decision-making of modern politics are thrown into stark relief and profoundly called into question. For it is precisely here that the very actions of modern politics both create and address the incidence of its own massive and self-generated, political abjection. If that is one of the principal ends of international relations, one is forced to ask, what does it take as its beginning? If, in other words, the vernacular political architecture of modern international power commonly produces forcibly displaced people globally, one is inclined to ask about the foundations upon which that architecture is itself based. ; La réalité du refuge est une scandale pour la philosophie en cela que le réfugié nous rappelle l'instabilité radicale de la signification et l'incalculabilité de l'humain. Mais le réfugié est aussi un scandale pour la politique en cela que l'avènement du réfugié est toujours ...

Argues that there is an alliance between modern knowledge & the politics of security of the national state. In this alliance, both philosophy & politics are dedicated to the stabilization of security in the face of an actually existing environment of contingency, flux, & more generalized insecurity. This long-standing alliance has taken on varying forms. In Plato & early Christianity, a supersensible universe controlled the insecurity of Heraclitean flux, first by the idea & then institutionally, through the Church as the condition of human salvation. In early modernity, secular delegitimation of the Church led to a new locus of control. Later, in philosophy, the ideas of rationalism & empiricism helped control epistemological insecurity. In politics, for its part, chaos is exogenized by the institution of the Machiavellian & Hobbesian nation-state. Possible contemporary alliances are considered in the context of late-modern assumptions, in which nature becomes no longer a world of entities available to beings for transformation in respect to its finalities, but instead, a stock of raw material for our own ends. 72 References. V. Rios

In June 1930, units of the 10th Red Army, which had been formed in northeastern Jiangxi by Fang Zhimin and Shao Shiping, entered the ancient porcelain town of Jingdezhen. The capture of the town brought the modern revolutionary politics of the Chines Communits Party (CCP) into contact with the local government and trades union organizations of a conservative, traditionally-minded town. Jingdezhen remained under the influence of the Red Army from 1930 until the strategic withdrawal from the Northeast Jiangxi Soviet in 1933 which was the forerunner of the complete withdrawal from the Jiangxi base areas and the Long March. There is ample information on the organization of the N.E. Jiangxi Soviet base and its best-known leader, Fang Zhimin, but most studies concentrate on the political structure of the Soviet government, the career and personality of Fang and the peasant milieu in which the Soviet emerged.1 Jingdezhen was not a peasant society or a major city: it was an intermediate small town world with part of the population permanently resident and many seasonal workers from the rural areas who provided a link with peasant communities.