Suchergebnisse

El artículo presenta una propuesta analítica para investigaciones que aplican el método biográfico-narrativo. El método biográfico en Ciencias Sociales tiene múltiples orientaciones para la obtención de datos y no se limita a los relatos biográficos. Esta estrategia para analizar los relatos biográficos considera que las personas, al contar sus biografías o determinadas experiencias, recurren a un conjunto de métodos legos –estrategias pragmáticas que utilizan para hacer inteligible sus vidas–. Atender a estos métodos provee a quienes investigan de claves analíticas para interpretar los discursos sobre sus experiencias e identidades. De este modo, el artículo desarrolla un conjunto de herramientas analíticas consistentes en observar los métodos de quienes cuentan sus biografías.

Adentrándonos en la intrincada cadena textil, desvelamos el impacto ambiental de la coloración de fibras textiles y las limitaciones de los tintes sintéticos comerciales.

La depresión se ha convertido en un imperio que desde occidente ha colonizado al mundo y desplaza otros lenguajes que dan sentido a la angustia profunda en diferentes culturas. El libro ofrece una historia global de esta aflicción, desde la antigua melancolía hasta la actualidad, a través de rastrear sus múltiples significados, tratamientos y memorias personales para comprender la expansión y el protagonismo que adquiere en nuestros días. En esta historia también aborda las dimensiones sociales de la depresión y evidencia que formar parte de grupos desfavorecidos, oprimidos, estigmatizados o perseguidos incrementa las posibilidades de padecerla. A partir de un abordaje histórico que utiliza herramientas conceptuales interdisciplinarias la obra cuestiona lugares comunes, falsos dilemas, dogmas filosóficos sin sustento empírico y visiones unilaterales sobre la depresión. También aporta una visión compleja de un padecimiento milenario y en crecimiento que contiene, al mismo tiempo, aspectos médicos, sociales, políticos, culturales y del que aún resta mucho por conocer.

Se analizan los principales aspectos de la polémica internalismo/externalismo. El internalismo sostiene que el proceso de producción y validación del conocimiento es independiente de las influencias externas, siendo sus principales puntos de referencia la Historia de las Ideas y la Filosofía de la Ciencia. Cree que la ciencia debe seguir su propia lógica y luchar por liberarse de las interferencias de las fuerzas sociales, políticas y económicas. Por otro lado, el externalismo mantiene que la ciencia está condicionada por la estructura organizacional de la producción científica. Por tanto, debe ser considerada en relación con otras ramas del conocimiento y con las estructuras socioeconómicas circundantes. Recientemente, los externalistas se han centrado en las relaciones entre ciencia, gobierno, política científica y la comunicación entre los científicos.

Recientemente se está criticando la idea de que una educación pública generalizada es beneficiosa para la sociedad porque difunde el conocimiento, las habilidades prácticas y favorece la movilidad social. Se analizan tres modelos que relacionan el nivel de educación con el empleo : el tecnodemocrático, basado en la teoría funcionalista de la estratificación ; el radical o marxista, que considera la educación como un medio de reproducir las desigualdades existentes ; el credencialista, fundamentado en la teoría del conflicto y algunos aspectos del pensamiento weberiano. Además de sus puntos débiles, todos estos modelos son inadecuados al tratar el tema de los ingresos laborales y su desarrollo histórico. Un análisis adecuado debe tener en cuenta el nuevo Dofl y las demandas específicas hechas a los trabajadores. Como ejemplo del fracaso del ideal tecnodemocrático de educación como instrumento de movilidad e igualdad social se pone el desempleo endémico entre los jóvenes graduados en los países capitalistas.

Se analiza la evolución de la sociología de la ciencia contemporánea a la luz de la noción kantiana de "subjetividad crítica". Su origen dual es contratastado con el desarrollo que experimenta en el siglo XX con los trabajos de Karl Mannheim, Robert Merton y Thomas Kuhn y el conflicto surgido entre la teoría crítica y el positivismo. Se considera que el positivismo y las filosofías normativas de la ciencia son inadecuadas para tratar los problemas epistemológicos de la subjetividad. Se explican los programas actuales de investigación teniendo en cuenta: (1) La crítica de la orientación epistemológica analítica de las filosofías de la ciencia dominantes, y (2) Los intentos de reorientar las cuestiones epistemológicas en términos sociológicos.

Social media is a critical element of contemporary ecologies of violence, especially in countries with a long-standing history of armed conflicts – such as Colombia, the setting of this study. In this context, this article explores how violence is mediated through and within social media platforms among Colombian young adults. More specifically, by drawing on Jesús Martín-Barbero, this study explores how violence is mediated on digital platforms across time (temporalities), space (spatialities), technologies and techniques (technicities) and our senses (sensorialities). Methodologically, this case study draws from the experiences of young adults from Colombia who were invited to collaboratively discuss the violence they engage with in their everyday uses of social media platforms. The results show evidence of destabilization of meaning-making practices in the territories of violence that young adults inhabit on digital platforms, as well as processes of normalization of harm.

Kattya González, of the National Encounter Party, gave an emotional farewell speech after 23 out of her 45 fellow senators voted to removed her from office earlier this month. Blaming "the boss," former Colorado Party President Horacio Cartes, she said the unexpected vote was punishment for her fight against corruption, clientelism, and organized crime that has turned Paraguay into a "narco-state."Although the former senator belongs to a minor political party, her voice was amplified by social media and the news media's coverage of her anti-corruption campaign. Yet González's downfall was not an isolated event. Rather, her ousting was part of a broader strategy by allies of the former president, known as "cartismo."Paraguay's Colorado Party, which has ruled almost uninterruptedly for 70 years, is not monolithic; indeed, the last Colorado president, Mario Abdo, was a critic of Cartes and his Honor Colorado movement. However, Cartes, Paraguay's president from 2013 to 2018, is the party's dominant figure. In 2022, he was elected party leader and his protégé, Santiago Peña, won the presidency in 2023.Cartes's influence is also a function of his wealth, as one of Paraguay's wealthiest businessman. Historically, the Colorado Party was influenced by the military. Today, it is shaped by money."Cartes also exerts power by maneuvering allies onto the Council of the Magistracy, the body responsible for selecting judges, and to positions that have oversight over judicial conduct. His influence is also a function of his wealth, as one of Paraguay's wealthiest businessman. Historically, the Colorado Party was influenced by the military. Today, it is shaped by money.Cartes's increasing power was a disappointment for Washington. In 2022, the State Department designated the former president as "significantly corrupt" and the Treasury Department sanctioned several of his companies. "The boss" transferred his companies to his children and renamed the "Cartes Group," which is now known as the "Cartes Montaña Group."The implications for public policy in Paraguay are still coming into view. Like other conservatives in the region, "Cartismo" is focused on gender ideology, fueled by anti-globalist sentiment, and promotes its perception of traditional Paragauyan cultural and religious values. In international relations, it favors an unwavering alliance with Israel and Taiwan. In 2023, the Colorado Party hosted the Union of Latin American Parties conference, which brought together conservative political parties from throughout the region.When it comes to Brazil and the United States, two of Paraguay's most important partners, Cartes's ideological fellow travelers are in the opposition. Nevertheless, Paraguay has adopted a pragmatic approach under Peña. However, that does not suggest that Cartes is losing control, but rather highlights the importance of Paraguay's relationships with its giant neighbor and with the United States.Indeed, most strategic decisions by Paraguay's government and Colorado Party-controlled Congress are reportedly made at the so-called "command center," a meeting chaired by Cartes and attended by leading party lawmakers and senior government officials. Peña himself often attends, alongside his vice president, Pedro Alliana.Paradoxically, González's dismissal from the Senate, a show of force by Cartes, might be a turning point for 'Cartismo.' The 23 votes in favor of her expulsion, one more than the minimum required, was a relatively poor showing for 'Cartismo.'"Paradoxically, González's dismissal from the Senate, a show of force by Cartes, might be a turning point for "Cartismo." The 23 votes in favor of her expulsion, one more than the minimum required, was a relatively poor showing for "Cartismo." The decision, meanwhile, prompted criticism from private sector actors that generally stay out of politics, as well as statements from the Catholic Church and civil society organizations. There have also been demonstrations. Among the fractured opposition, there is talk of a "democratic front" that would unite dissident Colorado legislators and opposition lawmakers. Whether Cartes truly overplayed his hand with González's ouster remains to be seen. For now, "the boss" is not showing signs of retreat; the Colorado Party is reportedly considering constitutional reform to allow presidential reelection, a divisive subject in Paraguay. But the reaction to the Senate vote has brought new scrutiny to "Cartismo," raising fears of how the former president's influence threatens Paraguay's young democracy.

Kattya González, of the National Encounter Party, gave an emotional farewell speech after 23 out of her 45 fellow senators voted to removed her from office earlier this month. Blaming "the boss," former Colorado Party President Horacio Cartes, she said the unexpected vote was punishment for her fight against corruption, clientelism, and organized crime that has turned Paraguay into a "narco-state."Although the former senator belongs to a minor political party, her voice was amplified by social media and the news media's coverage of her anti-corruption campaign. Yet González's downfall was not an isolated event. Rather, her ousting was part of a broader strategy by allies of the former president, known as "cartismo."Paraguay's Colorado Party, which has ruled almost uninterruptedly for 70 years, is not monolithic; indeed, the last Colorado president, Mario Abdo, was a critic of Cartes and his Honor Colorado movement. However, Cartes, Paraguay's president from 2013 to 2018, is the party's dominant figure. In 2022, he was elected party leader and his protégé, Santiago Peña, won the presidency in 2023.Cartes's influence is also a function of his wealth, as one of Paraguay's wealthiest businessman. Historically, the Colorado Party was influenced by the military. Today, it is shaped by money."Cartes also exerts power by maneuvering allies onto the Council of the Magistracy, the body responsible for selecting judges, and to positions that have oversight over judicial conduct. His influence is also a function of his wealth, as one of Paraguay's wealthiest businessman. Historically, the Colorado Party was influenced by the military. Today, it is shaped by money.Cartes's increasing power was a disappointment for Washington. In 2022, the State Department designated the former president as "significantly corrupt" and the Treasury Department sanctioned several of his companies. "The boss" transferred his companies to his children and renamed the "Cartes Group," which is now known as the "Cartes Montaña Group."The implications for public policy in Paraguay are still coming into view. Like other conservatives in the region, "Cartismo" is focused on gender ideology, fueled by anti-globalist sentiment, and promotes its perception of traditional Paragauyan cultural and religious values. In international relations, it favors an unwavering alliance with Israel and Taiwan. In 2023, the Colorado Party hosted the Union of Latin American Parties conference, which brought together conservative political parties from throughout the region.When it comes to Brazil and the United States, two of Paraguay's most important partners, Cartes's ideological fellow travelers are in the opposition. Nevertheless, Paraguay has adopted a pragmatic approach under Peña. However, that does not suggest that Cartes is losing control, but rather highlights the importance of Paraguay's relationships with its giant neighbor and with the United States.Indeed, most strategic decisions by Paraguay's government and Colorado Party-controlled Congress are reportedly made at the so-called "command center," a meeting chaired by Cartes and attended by leading party lawmakers and senior government officials. Peña himself often attends, alongside his vice president, Pedro Alliana.Paradoxically, González's dismissal from the Senate, a show of force by Cartes, might be a turning point for 'Cartismo.' The 23 votes in favor of her expulsion, one more than the minimum required, was a relatively poor showing for 'Cartismo.'"Paradoxically, González's dismissal from the Senate, a show of force by Cartes, might be a turning point for "Cartismo." The 23 votes in favor of her expulsion, one more than the minimum required, was a relatively poor showing for "Cartismo." The decision, meanwhile, prompted criticism from private sector actors that generally stay out of politics, as well as statements from the Catholic Church and civil society organizations. There have also been demonstrations. Among the fractured opposition, there is talk of a "democratic front" that would unite dissident Colorado legislators and opposition lawmakers. Whether Cartes truly overplayed his hand with González's ouster remains to be seen. For now, "the boss" is not showing signs of retreat; the Colorado Party is reportedly considering constitutional reform to allow presidential reelection, a divisive subject in Paraguay. But the reaction to the Senate vote has brought new scrutiny to "Cartismo," raising fears of how the former president's influence threatens Paraguay's young democracy.