The gendered politics of crises and de-democratization: opposition to gender equality
In: Studies in European political science
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In: Studies in European political science
In: Comparative politics
Making use of a unique data set that includes more than 1000 leadership elections from over 100 parties in 14 countries over an almost 50 year period, this volume provides a comprehensive, comparative examination of how parties choose their leaders and the impact of the different decisions they make in this regard
In: Comparative politics
In: Comparative politics
In: Comparative Politics Ser.
Outcomes of legislative elections are typically reported in terms of party support: how many votes and seats were obtained by each party? But in fact voters are faced with three choices which must be folded into one. They must decide which party they prefer, but in so doing they must take account of the policies advocated by these parties and the leaders who will eventually have to enact them.This simple fact raises question about the relative weight of these considerations, and espeically the importance granted to the leaders. This issue has been largely neglected in the vast literature on vo
In: Comparative politics
In: Comparative politics
Within the framework of the increasing securitization of migration, institutional perspectives on the crime-migration nexus concentrate on undocumented migrants and asylum seekers as potential criminals and, thus, as a danger for the host society. Alternatively, the emphasis stays on smuggling and human trafficking networks. As such, over the years national and regional governments of the most affluent countries have designed and implemented a series of security centred policies to better govern migration and ensure safety for the host societies. Yet, as discussed here, a closer look at the management of unauthorized migrants and asylum seekers arriving in Italy, subverts mainstream views on the relation between crime and migration. By concentrating on the national reception system(s), here we show how securitized policies implemented in time of emergency are actually exploited by criminal organizations to expand their activities and diversify their sources of income. In the past years the Italian Antimafia prosecutors have repeatedly confirmed the involvement of the Calabrian mafia 'ndrangheta in the management of many reception facilities set by national and European institution to deal with migrants and asylum seekers entering Italy unauthorized. By relying on data collected during a long fieldwork in the iconic border island of Lampedusa and Sicily, combined with the analysis of judicial documents and public sources relative to the cases of Crotone – in Calabria - and Rome, here we show how mafia groups succeeded gaining access to the substantial financial resources allocated there by national and European institutions. According to our findings, the infiltration of criminal groups is facilitated when new public funding become available over emergencies. Since authorities rely on exceptional measures and procedures, controls on transparency and due diligence tend to be overruled. This is even more the case when public money comes from geographically and institutionally distant authorities in Brussels.
BASE
Within the framework of the increasing securitization of migration, institutional perspectives on the crime-migration nexus concentrate on undocumented migrants and asylum seekers as potential criminals and, thus, as a danger for the host society. Alternatively, the emphasis stays on smuggling and human trafficking networks. As such, over the years national and regional governments of the most affluent countries have designed and implemented a series of security centred policies to better govern migration and ensure safety for the host societies. Yet, as discussed here, a closer look at the management of unauthorized migrants and asylum seekers arriving in Italy, subverts mainstream views on the relation between crime and migration. By concentrating on the national reception system(s), here we show how securitized policies implemented in time of emergency are actually exploited by criminal organizations to expand their activities and diversify their sources of income. In the past years the Italian Antimafia prosecutors have repeatedly confirmed the involvement of the Calabrian mafia 'ndrangheta in the management of many reception facilities set by national and European institution to deal with migrants and asylum seekers entering Italy unauthorized. By relying on data collected during a long fieldwork in the iconic border island of Lampedusa and Sicily, combined with the analysis of judicial documents and public sources relative to the cases of Crotone – in Calabria - and Rome, here we show how mafia groups succeeded gaining access to the substantial financial resources allocated there by national and European institutions. According to our findings, the infiltration of criminal groups is facilitated when new public funding become available over emergencies. Since authorities rely on exceptional measures and procedures, controls on transparency and due diligence tend to be overruled. This is even more the case when public money comes from geographically and institutionally distant authorities in Brussels.
BASE
In: Parliaments and legislatures series
Party cohesion, party discipline, and parliaments / Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz -- How political parties emerged from the primeval slime: party cohesion, party discipline, and the formation of governments / Michael Laver and Kenneth A. Shepsle -- Discipline in the British conservative party: the attitudes of party activists toward the role of their members of parliament / Paul F. Whitely and Patrick Seyd -- Backbenchers with attitude: a seismic study of the conservative party and dissent on Europe / David Baker [and others] -- Cohesion of party groups and interparty conflict in the Swiss parliament: roll call voting in the national council / Prisca Lanfranchi and Ruth Lüthi -- Electoral systems, parliamentary committees, and party discipline: the Norwegian Storting in a comparative perspective / Bjørn Erik Rasch -- Parliamentary party discipline in Spain / Manuel Sánchez de Dios -- The parliamentarization of the east central European parties: party discipline in the Hungarian parliament, 1990-1996 / Attila Ágh -- The challenge of diversity: party cohesion in the European parliament / Tapio Raunio -- Parties and party discipline within the European parliament: a norms-based approach / Shaun Bowler and David M. Farrell -- The costs of coalition: a five-nation comparison / Carol Mershon -- Coalition discipline, enforcement mechanisms, and intraparty politics / Paul Mitchell.
In: Polis Nr. 15
In: ECPR - Studies in European Political Science
World Affairs Online
I analyze the socialization to Feminism and Europe within the European Women Lobby (EWL), the largest umbrella organization of women's associations in the EU. I will define the main consequences of such activist and professional carrier at the EWL thanks to semi-structured interviews and biographical studies of 10 EWL members: 2 EWL presidents, 5 employees of the EWL's secretary and 3 employees of the French and Belgian EWL national coordinations. I will show this carrier has effects on these members' everyday life and practices: way to live motherhood and couple with feminist "habitus", use of social networks that slims professional/private boundaries, re-definition of past relationship through the feminist scheme. Then I will explain how it changes their relations to political activism (as most of the members are engaged in politics) and feminist activism: they get involved in or create new women's associations based on their professional specialized topics and networks.
BASE
I analyze the socialization to Feminism and Europe within the European Women Lobby (EWL), the largest umbrella organization of women's associations in the EU. I will define the main consequences of such activist and professional carrier at the EWL thanks to semi-structured interviews and biographical studies of 10 EWL members: 2 EWL presidents, 5 employees of the EWL's secretary and 3 employees of the French and Belgian EWL national coordinations. I will show this carrier has effects on these members' everyday life and practices: way to live motherhood and couple with feminist "habitus", use of social networks that slims professional/private boundaries, re-definition of past relationship through the feminist scheme. Then I will explain how it changes their relations to political activism (as most of the members are engaged in politics) and feminist activism: they get involved in or create new women's associations based on their professional specialized topics and networks.
BASE