Suchergebnisse

This article puts forward evidence to argue that finance workers, especially bank workers, in Britain are becoming more `unionate'. This is not to argue that these workers are becoming `militant' for while the developments are significant they remain cautious and uneven. An examination is made of why these developments have occurred and how they relate to the employers' human resource policies, why the growth in trade unionism in the financial sector runs counter to a trend of decline elsewhere and why significant differences in trade unionism exist within the different components in the financial sector.

Die ausbleibenden Erfolge des wirtschaftlichen Reformprozesses in Südafrika haben zu Enttäuschungen insbesondere auf Seiten der Gewerkschaften und ihrer Mitglieder geführt. Daraus entwickelten sich wachsende politische Spannungen zwischen ANC und COSATU. Der Artikel schildert die grundsätzlichen Probleme einer zu großen Nähe und Abhängigkeit zwischen Gewerkschaftsbewegungen und Regierung bzw. Regierungspartei und zeigt an einzelnen politischen und wirtschaftspolitischen Fragestellungen die unterschiedlichen Positionen und Konflikte zwischen beiden Seiten auf. (DÜI-Spl)

Examines relationship between the labor union movement and the African National Congress in the post-apartheid period, focusing on sources of tension between the two. Socialism, social contracts, and corporatism, strikes and wage demands, the 1995 Labor Relations Act, and workplace forums.

Presents reported evidence which suggests that the overall
resilience of workplace unionism to managerial challenges found in
Liverpool can be found in many other Royal Mail workplaces in Britain.
Analyses the various contours of union resistance, centred on strike
action, to management′s reorganization of work and working conditions.
In mounting this resistance, union members have faced the obstacles of
not only Royal Mail management but also the full‐time officials of their
own union.

Over 80 companies and organizations have recently changed their
collective bargaining arrangements to introduce "single table
bargaining" (STB). This sharp rise follows on from only a small
number of companies introducing this change in the 1980s. Under STB all
the different unions and grades of workers, including manual and
non‐manual workers in the same company who had previously bargained
separately, are brought together into one bargaining unit. Linked to the
move to STB are changes in payment and conditions of work. Seeks to
examine the reasons for the growth in STB and the potential benefits and
disadvantages to the trade unions and their members as a result of the
changes arising from STB.

One of the major obstacles unions face in building influence in the workplace is the opposition and resistance from those that own those workplaces, namely, the employers. This volume examines the nature of this anti-unionism, and in doing so explains the ways and means by which employers have successfully maintained their right to manage, One of the major obstacles, if not the major obstacle, unions face in building their influence in the workplace is the opposition and resistance from those that own those workplaces, namely, the employers. Global Anti-Unionism examines the nature and form of this anti-unionism, and in doing so explains the ways and means by which employers have successfully maintained their right to manage. The role of the state is also considered at length as part of the process by which employer domination has been maintained. Set in the context of the global north and south, this volume provides an introduction to the key theories and concepts, followed by historical and contemporary sections examining different countries

"One of the major obstacles, if not the major obstacle, unions face in building their influence in the workplace is the opposition and resistance from those that own those workplaces, namely, the employers. Global Anti-Unionism examines the nature and form of this anti-unionism, and in doing so explains the ways and means by which employers have successfully maintained their right to manage. The role of the state is also considered at length as part of the process by which employer domination has been maintained. Set in the context of the global north and south, this volume provides an introduction to the key theories and concepts, followed by historical and contemporary sections examining different countries"--

Abstract
Unions' presence and influence in the United States continue to atrophy. One key reason for this decline is the difficulties in certifying via the National Labor Relations Act. Consequently, labor-oriented scholars have developed proposals to overhaul and/or supplement this process. One of the most far-reaching is the 'Clean Slate'. We contend that, though a welcome advance, 'Clean Slate' is a necessary but insufficient law reform to revive unions. Accordingly, we suggest a complementary policy, the union default, to the 'Clean Slate'. With a union default, 'Clean Slate' would produce a much swifter and more dramatic resurgence in union membership and resources, sparking a badly needed virtuous upward spiral.

The continued stasis in the now much reduced aggregate levels of union membership in Britain and elsewhere has such portent for widening inequalities in wealth and power under the neo-liberal variant of late capitalism that a union default requires introduction. In all countries around the world, the de facto system is a non-union default. Under a union default, all workers would be defaulted into membership of the appropriate union. This is not a proposal for compulsory membership, a contravention of individual liberty nor the return of the closed shop by the backdoor because workers will have the right to opt out of membership. The right to be the appropriate default union to which workers would be defaulted into in any workplace would be gained by the union passing a low minimum support threshold. This would bring with it the right to bargain over pay and conditions.

This extended introduction to the special issue on John Kelly's Rethinking Industrial Relations comprises three sections. First, reflections on the changes in employment relations and the way employment relations have been studied since Rethinking Industrial Relations was published in 1998. Second, a critical reading of the initial reviews and reception to Rethinking Industrial Relations. And, third, a commentary on the articles in this special issue in terms of the significance of their contributions and their inter-linkages. The introduction ends by suggesting a revised and updated edition of Rethinking Industrial Relations would make a further very welcome and substantial contribution to the understanding of contemporary employment relations.

Strike activity in Britain continues at its historically low ebb. The level of strikes is likely to remain low or even fall further as a result of the introduction of the Tory Trade Union Act 2016 on 1 March 2017. This raises the issue of whether other means of the expression and resolution of workplace grievances are being used instead when strike action is not or cannot be used. An examination of the available data on the frequency of these other means indicates such displacement has not occurred to any great extent, in part because we have also seen successive attempts by government to suppress the level of individual disputes over the last three to four decades.