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Environmental movements are networks of informal interactions that may include individuals, groups, and organizations engaged in collective action motivated by shared identity or concern about environmental issues. This article reviews literature on environmental movements (including antinuclear energy movements) according to four main aspects: the social bases and values underlying the movements' mobilization, the resources support- ing their mobilization, the political opportunities channeling their mobilization, and the cultural framing processes through which environmental issues are defined as social and political problems to be addressed through mobilization. In addition, we consider the historical antecedents and roots of environmental movements. Finally, we discuss the interplay between the local and the global levels and the movements' impacts, a long neglected issue in the social movement literature. Our review highlights three main features of environmental movements: they are heterogeneous; they have profoundly transformed themselves; and they have generally become more institutionalized.

1. Citizenship and migration: Mapping the terrain / Marco Giugni and Maria Grasso -- Part I. Theoretical perspectives and methodological approaches -- 2. Normative perspectives on citizenship and migration: The challenge of integration into citizenship in immigration societies / Matteo Gianni -- 3. Empirical perspectives on citizenship and migration: The challenge of capturing complexity / Laurence Lessard-Phillips and Nobuko Nagai -- 4. Citizenship models and migrant integration: Rethinking the intersection of citizenship and migrant integration through (b)ordering / Luca Pfirter, Lisa Marie Borrelli, Didier Ruedin and Stefanie Kurt -- 5. Quantitative methodological approaches to citizenship and migration / Natalia C. Malancu and Alexandra Florea -- 6. Qualitative methodological approaches to citizenship and migration / Maria Xenitidou -- PartII Membership -- 7. General perspectives on membership: Citizenship, migration and the end of liberalism / James F. Hollifield -- 8. Public attitudes toward granting citizenship status and extending rights to immigrants in European countries / Alin M. Ceobanu and Xavier Escandell -- 9. Migrants' economic integration: Problematising economic citizenship / Nathan Lillie and Quivine Ndomo -- 10. Membership, migrants and social cohesion / Shamit Saggar -- 11. Public deliberation and political inclusion: Questioning Muslim loyalty in the Netherlands / Thijl Sunier -- Part III. Rights -- 12. General perspectives: Citizenship rights and migration / Thomas Janoski -- 13. Immigrants, emigrants and the right to vote: A story of double standards / Jean-Thomas Arrighi -- 14. Citizenship, refugees and migration in the European Union / Willem Maas -- 15. Social protection of migrants and citizenship rights / Edward Koning -- 16 gender perspectives on citizenship rights and social protection for migrants / Daiva Stasiulis -- PartIV Participation -- 17. General perspectives: Citizenship, migration and participation / Katia Pilati -- 18. Framing citizens in the field of immigration politics / Rens Vliegenthart -- 19. Citizenship, migration and voting behavior / Oliver Strijbis -- 20. Migrants' political participation beyond electoral arenas / Daniela Vintila and Marco Martiniello -- 21. Protest in the policy field of asylum politics / Leila Hadj Abdou and Sieglinde Rosenberger -- PartV Present challenges and future perspectives -- 22. Citizenship and migration in a globalized world / Catherine Wihtol de Wenden -- 23. The multiple dimensions of citizenship and the postnational turn / Manlio Cinalli and David Jacobson -- 24 citizenship and migration in cities / Sandro Cattacin and Fiorenza Gamba -- 25. Populism, citizenship and migration / Pontus Odmalm -- 26. The limits of multicultural citizenship and the intercultural citizenship post-multicultural research agenda / Ricard Zapata-Barrero -- Index.

Attitudes research has repeatedly demonstrated that the vast majority of unemployed people want a job and that their employment commitment is generally at least as strong as employed people's. However, until now it has not asked if they are more likely than employed people to prefer unemployment to an unattractive job. While this oversight reflects a noted widespread reluctance to respond directly to right-wing authors' assertions, this article argues that it is partly attributable to existing studies using survey questions inappropriate for researching unemployment. Responses to the British Cohort Study/National Child Development Study agree/disagree statement 'having almost any job is better than being unemployed' were analysed. Being 'unemployed and seeking work' associated strongly with disagreeing with the statement across all recent datasets in both studies, even when a number of relevant variables were controlled for.

In this paper we analyse whether relative deprivation has divergent effects on different types of social and political action. We expect that it will depress volunteering with parties as well as different types of conventional political participation more generally while stimulating volunteering with anti-cuts organisations and engagement in various kinds of protest activism. There is little research into how relative deprivation impacts on different types of social and political action from the wide range of activities available to citizens in contemporary democracies as well as into how this relationship might vary based on the wider economic context. While many studies construct scales, we examine participation in specific activities and associations, such as parties or anti-cuts organisations, voting, contacting, demonstrating and striking to show that deprivation has divergent effects that depart from what is traditionally argued. We apply random effects models with cross-level interactions utilizing an original cross-national European dataset collected in 2015 (N = 17,667) within a collaborative funded-project. We show that a negative economic context has a mobilizing effect by both increasing the stimulating effect of relative deprivation on protest activism as well as by closing or reversing the gap between resource-poor and resource-rich groups for volunteering with parties and voting.

Fear of crime occupies a substantial area of research and theorizing in criminology. Yet, it has not been examined within a longitudinal framework of political socialization. Using insights from generational modelling, we explore how political cohorts influence the fear of crime and perceptions of antisocial behaviour. This 'age, period and cohort' (APC) approach recognizes the distinct temporal processes of (1) individual ageing, (2) current contexts and (3) generational membership and is crucial to understanding the origins and shape of social change. We employ repeated crosssectional data from the British Crime Survey in an APC analysis to explore how worry about crime and perceptions of antisocial behaviour were impacted by the sociopolitical environment in which respondents spent their 'formative years'. Our results underline the theoretical significance of political socialization and the methodological consequence of longitudinal analyses when exploring public perceptions of crime. We find that political socialization can have a distinctive and enduring impression on public perceptions of crime from childhood into middle age.

To what extent are new generations 'Thatcherite'? Using British Social Attitudes data for 1985–2012 and applying age-period-cohort analysis and generalized additive models, this article investigates whether Thatcher's Children hold more right-authoritarian political values compared to other political generations. The study further examines the extent to which the generation that came of age under New Labour – Blair's Babies – shares these values. The findings for generation effects indicate that the later political generation is even more right-authoritarian, including with respect to attitudes to redistribution, welfare and crime. This view is supported by evidence of cohort effects. These results show that the legacy of Thatcherism for left-right and libertarian-authoritarian values is its long-term shaping of public opinion through political socialization.

To what extent are new generations 'Thatcherite'? Using British Social Attitudes data for 1985–2012 and applying age-period-cohort analysis and generalized additive models, this article investigates whether Thatcher's Children hold more right-authoritarian political values compared to other political generations. The study further examines the extent to which the generation that came of age under New Labour – Blair's Babies – shares these values. The findings for generation effects indicate that the later political generation is even more right-authoritarian, including with respect to attitudes to redistribution, welfare and crime. This view is supported by evidence of cohort effects. These results show that the legacy of Thatcherism for left-right and libertarian-authoritarian values is its long-term shaping of public opinion through political socialization.

The role of political socialization in explaining disengagement from specific modes of activism beyond voting remains largely unexplored, limited to date by available data and methods. While most previous studies have tended to propose explanations for disengagement linked to specific repertoires of political action, we propose a unified theory based on the different socialization experiences of subsequent generations. We test this theory using a new dataset of collated waves of the British Social Attitudes Survey and by applying age–period–cohort models for repeated cross-sectional data and generalized additive models to identify generational effects. We show that generational effects underlie the participatory decline across repertoires. Consistent with our expectations, the results reveal that the generation of "Thatcher's Children" are much less likely to engage in a range of repertoires of political action than "Wilson/Callaghan's Children", who came of age in the more politicized 1960s and 1970s. Significantly, and in line with our theoretical expectations, the "Blair's Babies" generation is the least politically engaged of all. We reflect on these findings and highlight the concerning implications of falling levels of activism for advanced democracies.

To what extent are new generations 'Thatcherite'? Using British Social Attitudes data for 1985–2012 and applying age-period-cohort analysis and generalized additive models, this article investigates whether Thatcher's Children hold more right-authoritarian political values compared to other political generations. The study further examines the extent to which the generation that came of age under New Labour – Blair's Babies – shares these values. The findings for generation effects indicate that the later political generation is even more right-authoritarian, including with respect to attitudes to redistribution, welfare and crime. This view is supported by evidence of cohort effects. These results show that the legacy of Thatcherism for left-right and libertarian-authoritarian values is its long-term shaping of public opinion through political socialization.

To what extent are new generations 'Thatcherite'? Using British Social Attitudes data for 1985–2012 and applying age-period-cohort analysis and generalized additive models, this article investigates whether Thatcher's Children hold more right-authoritarian political values compared to other political generations. The study further examines the extent to which the generation that came of age under New Labour – Blair's Babies – shares these values. The findings for generation effects indicate that the later political generation is even more right-authoritarian, including with respect to attitudes to redistribution, welfare and crime. This view is supported by evidence of cohort effects. These results show that the legacy of Thatcherism for left-right and libertarian-authoritarian values is its long-term shaping of public opinion through political socialization.

Protest participation scholarship tends to focus on the special characteristics of novices and the highly committed, underplaying the significance of those in between. In this article, we fill a lacuna in the literature by refocusing attention on four different types of protesters: novices, returners, repeaters, and stalwarts. Employing data from protest surveys of demonstrations that took place in seven European countries (2009-2010), we test whether these types of protesters are differentiated by biographical-structural availability and/or psychological-attitudinal engagement. Our results suggest that biographical availability distinguishes our four groups, but not as a matter of degree. Few indicators of structural availability distinguish between the groups of protesters, and emotional factors do not distinguish between them at all. Some political engagement factors suggest similarity between novices and returners. This confirms the need to avoid treating protesters as a homogenous group and reinforces the importance of assessing the contributions of diverse factors to sustaining "protest politics."