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Historians of technology have for the past decade begun to recognize the important role that technology plays in nation-building. From the development of the steam locomotive in Britain in the early 19th century that was integral to the Industrial Revolution to America's emphasis on its technological progressiveness in its national narratives in the 20th century, studies have shown that the history of technology is necessarily the history of nations as well. While the majority of previous research focuses primarily on Western nations (and unsurprisingly so, considering that a greater proportion of technological advancements have happened in these countries in the recent past centuries), less have studied how other countries have dealt with the rise of modern technologies in the development and maintenance of their national identity. This paper seeks to expand the critical scope by examining Brunei's stance on technology in the 1960s – just after the 1959 Constitution was established declaring the nation an independent, sovereign Sultanate – a time when Brunei was still in the early stages of defining its own identity. I propose that Brunei used modern technologies in order to further solidify its Muslim identity as a response to modernization and globalization, which is distinct to many previously-studied countries that focus more on boosting their military and/or industrial prowess. Brunei's approach, then, notably counters oft-perceived contradictions between religion and technology. This study will focus on Brunei's first film, Gema Dari Menara (1968), which was tellingly commissioned by the Religious Affairs Department, and will examine the portrayal of modern technologies that seek to break the binary between religion and modernity to show an image of Islam that is compatible with a developing Brunei.

AbstractThis paper examines the protracted nature of displacement in the Iraqi context and places emphasis on the need for a social integration policy to bridge the deep cleavages of Iraqi society. Methodologically, the paper utilizes qualitative data by conducting focus‐group discussions with IDPs and semi‐structured individual interviews in KRI. In terms of return possibilities, while return in many ways is perceived to be not practical and to involve future risks, research findings show that a community‐based distinction needs to be made between IDPs from minority backgrounds and IDPs who belong to demographic majorities in the homeland locations. A second distinction is a geographic and political one as findings indicate that IDPs who take refuge in KRI, though remain largely dissatisfied with displacement conditions, are willing to stay in KRI longer in the hope of further security and reconstruction process in the violence‐affected areas. With respect to social integration policy, the paper outlines institutional, political and cultural explanations for a virtually absolute absence of social integration policy on national and regional levels. The paper suggests that the proposed social integration policy can capitalize practical implications of Social Contact Theory (SCT) in enhancing the integration of IDPs in the host communities.

This article investigates the security sector in Somalia, with a focus on the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), a government security unit, involved in the fight against the Al-Shabaab insurgency. This article argues that the historically traumatic legacy of autocratic oppression of the former military regime gives the Somali intelligence agency an infamous reputation that survives today and plays a significant role in the operations of the intelligence agency. Intelligence agents employ tactics from the late Cold War era military regime's intelligence services, suggesting striking historical continuities of the military regime in practice and performance. The empirical data also shows that NISA is enmeshed in the 'dirty war' between the federal government and Al-Shabaab. Not only does the intelligence agency normalize extrajudicial activities to serve the agenda of political authorities and to suppress their critics, but it also financially benefits from arrests without trials. NISA agents harass the public and political opposition groups daily and brutally suppress mass media and freedom of speech, especially in the government-controlled areas in Mogadishu. As the first empirical academic investigation into NISA, the article contributes to broader debates on intelligence, the anthropology of the state, security studies, and institution- and state-building in violent environments.

From Wiley via Jisc Publications Router ; History: received 2019-03-25, rev-recd 2020-02-11, accepted 2020-04-02, pub-electronic 2020-05-27, pub-print 2021-06 ; Article version: VoR ; Publication status: Published ; Abstract: This paper examines the protracted nature of displacement in the Iraqi context and places emphasis on the need for a social integration policy to bridge the deep cleavages of Iraqi society. Methodologically, the paper utilizes qualitative data by conducting focus‐group discussions with IDPs and semi‐structured individual interviews in KRI. In terms of return possibilities, while return in many ways is perceived to be not practical and to involve future risks, research findings show that a community‐based distinction needs to be made between IDPs from minority backgrounds and IDPs who belong to demographic majorities in the homeland locations. A second distinction is a geographic and political one as findings indicate that IDPs who take refuge in KRI, though remain largely dissatisfied with displacement conditions, are willing to stay in KRI longer in the hope of further security and reconstruction process in the violence‐affected areas. With respect to social integration policy, the paper outlines institutional, political and cultural explanations for a virtually absolute absence of social integration policy on national and regional levels. The paper suggests that the proposed social integration policy can capitalize practical implications of Social Contact Theory (SCT) in enhancing the integration of IDPs in the host communities.

BACKGROUND: The periapical area is healed through disinfection of root canal system and reduction of microbial infection after root canal. PURPOSE: To assess the knowledge of dental practitioners about decontamination during root canal treatment and the techniques used in the government and private sectors of Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. METHODS: 103 dental practitioners and interns from private and governmental sectors performing root canal treatment were included. To extract information, a questionnaire assessing knowledge and preferred techniques used in decontamination during root canals treatment was distributed. The association of variables was investigated using chi-square tests. RESULTS: The findings reflected that 82.5% of subjects used rubber dam for isolation with significantly more practitioner in the governmental (95.2%) as compared to the private sector (27.8%). Chelating agents were used by 13.3% of the practitioners in government sector and 1% practitioners in private sector (1%). The most commonly used irrigant was sodium hypochlorite. Calcium hydroxide was used more frequently in the governmental sector (29.8%) than in the private sector (11.8%), as intracanal medicament. Mechanical irrigation devices were used by 2.4% of practitioners in the governmental sector only. CONCLUSIONS: There is a significant difference in practicing root canal disinfection techniques among dentists in governmental and private sectors but no difference in degree of knowledge.