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The Exponentiated Lomax Distribution is considered one of the most commonly used continuous distribution which has a major role in analysing and modelling life time data. Therefore, A family was formed for the Exponential Lomax Distribution by introducing two new distributions as special case of the Exponentiated Lomax Distribution: (Modified Exponentiated Lomax Distribution (MELD) and Restricted Exponentiated Lomax Distribution (RELD. Furthermore, to assess the usefulness and flexibility, the two distributions were applied upon simulation study besides real application with real data set. The simulation results clearly shown the flexible performance of the maximum likelihood estimators for the parameter. Also, the real application results are clearly shown that the proposed distributions have outstanding performance than other considered distributions for all information criteria.

This main paper's objective is to evaluate the role of the internal dynamics in the political reform process in the ASC. Its main problem is the deficit of political reform achievements compared to the people's demands in the period under study. Its central question is why this process couldn't overcome the deficit and what are the main repercussions of such failure on the political stability of the ASC regimes. A reform process is generally wide-reaching. It is economical and social and goes much deeper to affect change in society as a comprehensive process as per (Kroeber, 1996). However, the focus of this paper is mainly on the internal dynamics of the political reform process. Therefore, the paper analyzes the internal efforts, roles, and results of the political reform dynamics and initiatives and their applications. These efforts should be understood within the political scene that prevailed in the Arab Spring Countries "ASC" in 2004, which this paper considers as the start of the benchmark period for the political reform process. The paper analyzes the internal leading reform initiatives and efforts. It examines their elements, conditions, ability to affect the political reform process. It evaluates their results within the ASC context in the period under study 2004-2010 with a particular focus on the cases of Egypt and Jordan.

Historically, oil has been the main source of earnings in the Saudi Arabian economy. Different from other symmetric oil price shock studies, the aim of this paper is to test the impacts of symmetric oil price shocks on government expenditure-real exchange rate nexus and ultimately, to check the conformity of symmetric oil price shock findings to those prevailing in literature. To achieve this endeavor, autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) and structural vector autoregressive (SVAR) have been employed for the period of 1970 to 2018. The goal of carrying out ARDL and SVAR together is to consolidate and strengthen the consistency of the results obtained from both approaches. Our models' findings support the short-run appreciation of the real exchange rate as a reaction to symmetric oil price shocks and to real government expenditure. The latter finding, though is consistent with Dutch disease predictions. However, in the long-run symmetric oil price shocks negate the real exchange rate. The directional map of causality is as follows: symmetric oil price shocks impact the total earnings of the Saudi government and hence, government spending. Thereafter, the composition of expenditure causes an appreciation of the real exchange rate. Policymakers should consider oil price fluctuations as a source of disturbance to government earnings. Solutions could be carried out by benefiting from other countries' experience.

The large increase in on-road vehicles over the years has resulted in cities facing challenges in providing high-quality transportation services. Traffic jams are a clear sign that cities are overwhelmed, and that current transportation networks and systems cannot accommodate the current demand without a change in policy, infrastructure, transportation modes, and commuter mode choice. In response to this problem, cities in a number of countries have started putting a threshold on the number of vehicles on the road by deploying a partial or complete ban on cars in the city center. For example, in Oslo, leaders have decided to completely ban privately-owned cars from its center by the end of 2019, making it the first European city to totally ban cars in the city center. Instead, public transit and cycling will be supported and encouraged in the banned-car zone, and hundreds of parking spaces in the city will be replaced by bike lanes. As a government effort to support bicycling and offer alternative transportation modes, bike-sharing systems (BSSs) have been introduced in over 50 countries. BSSs aim to encourage people to travel via bike by distributing bicycles at stations located across an area of service. Residents and visitors can borrow a bike from any station and then return it to any station near their destination. Bicycles are considered an affordable, easy-to-use, and, healthy transportation mode, and BSSs show significant transportation, environmental, and health benefits. As the use of BSSs have grown, imbalances in the system have become an issue and an obstacle for further growth. Imbalance occurs when bikers cannot drop off or pick-up a bike because the bike station is either full or empty. This problem has been investigated extensively by many researchers and policy makers, and several solutions have been proposed. There are three major ways to address the rebalancing issue: static, dynamic and incentivized. The incentivized approaches make use of the users in the balancing efforts, in which the ...

During the last four and half decades of physical urbanization, Muscat, the capital city of Oman, has received a massive influx of local and international migrants. Based on the National Centre of Statistics and Information (NCSI) in April 2016, Oman's population was recorded at 4,441,448 with the population of Muscat Governorate forming more than half of Oman's total population (2,395,412). According the NCSI statistics in 2010, Muscat represents the highest rate of urban population in Oman by 97.44% (almost 36% of the total urban population in Oman). This swift demographic change has reshaped the overall urban fabric of the city. On a spatial level, although Muscat Governorate represents merely 1.3% of Oman's total area, the suitable areas for development have been nearly exploited. Horizontal develop- ment based on villa residences has largely influenced the rapid consumption of land. The physical terrains in Muscat such as mountains, creeks, and valleys also limit the amount of proper land for urban development. Urban growth in Muscat has endured a long history of political and socio-economic variables. Obviously, these variables have largely affected the entire urban pattern at every period of time. Unfortunately, the various governmental institutions responsible for urban management since the early seventies created imbalanced attitudes between the availability of natural resources and the rate of consumption. Urban governance based on centralized decision-making has widened the urban issues. The land distribution system has largely contributed of rapid consumption of land. For instance, despite its limited area and large population, Muscat's residential plot size is equivalent to those in other areas throughout Oman. The land granting system that is based on random lottery has largely contributed to the emergence of low-density, scattered territory in Muscat and many areas in Oman. Land for investment that could enhance the economy or that provides jobs has become scarce. Furthermore, huge areas have been consumed for automobile-based use. Obviously, the sharp increase of population in Muscat, which has quadrupled several times during the past four decades according to the NCSI statistics, has largely contributed on the depletion of available natural resources. As Muscat serves as the headquarters for most of governmental offices and companies, it has been the focus of internal migration thus receiving the highest number of job seekers. Meanwhile, as Muscat serves as the centre for major government and investment, it received the bulk of the expatriate population both in terms of "white collar" and "blue collar" workers. Horizontal low-density areas have been developed to house the influx of those immigrants. With increases in traffic and in the absence of a viable public transport system, huge areas in Muscat have been asphalted for vehicular use. This paper intends to visualize the transformation of socioeconomic conditions and their impacts on the current urban patterns. It attempts to focus on the negative consequences that might be encountered if the current urban management persists as Oman moves toward a post-oil period. Meanwhile, it provides indicators to urban governors and deci- sion-makers as to the need of urgent intervention towards resource saving, and socially- and economically-balanced utilization of limited resources.

Tez (Doktora) -- İstanbul Ticaret Üniversitesi. Kaynakça var. ; . ; TABLE OF CONTENT -- Chapter Page -- I INTRODUCTION -- 1.1 Problem Statement,. -- 1.2 Research Question,. -- 1.3 Research Hypothesis, -- 1.4 Research Method,. -- 1.5 Limitation of the Study, -- 1.6 Chapter Outline, -- 7 -- II LITERATURE REVIEW -- 2.1 The Conceptual Framework, -- 2.2 Review of Literature, -- 10 -- III NATION-BUILDING IN PRE-INDEPENDENT Sudan (1820-1955) -- 3.1A brief introduction to the Sudan,. -- 3.2 Sectarianism in Pre-independent Sudan, -- 3.3 Sectarianism and Political Parties in Pre-independent Sudan, -- 3.4 Ethnicity and Tribalism in Pre-independent Sudan,. -- 19 -- IV POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE DILEMMA OF NATIONBUILDING -- IN Sudan (1956-NOW) -- 4.1 A Brief Introduction to the Sudanese Governments since 1956,. -- 4.2 Political Parties and Nation-building in Post-independent Sudan,. -- 4.2.1. Traditional sectarian parties and nation-building in postindependent -- Sudan, -- 4.2.2. Modernist parties and nation-building in post- independent Sudan. -- 33 -- V CONCLOUSION 50 -- BIBLIOGRAPHY 52

The major focus of this paper is to investigate theoretically and empirically the effects of non-linear oil price changes on Saudi manufacturing (traded) sector covering the period of 1970 till 2015, utilizing structural vector autoregressive (SVAR) approach. The Dutch disease syndrome will be clarified, and the impacts of oil price variations (increase and decrease) are investigated. Johansen's testing procedure result asserts the existence of stable long-run relationship between real traded sector (MANUFACTURING), oil price increase and decrease, real government expenditure (GOEX), real exchange rate (REX), and the mining sector (MINING). The findings confirm that OILshock(+), and REX influence MANU negatively, while the spending effect, GOEX affects MANU positively. However, this could be attributed to the government efforts to nullify the Dutch disease symptoms. Given, the obtained tests' results, the exchange rate REX appreciation confirms the existence of the Dutch disease, and consistent with the Dutch disease literature and findings. The Manufacturing sector harmed enough to the degree that government has to subsidize.

"We are creating the same quantity of data every two days, as we created from the dawn of time up until 2003. It is estimated to be 5 Exabyte" [1]. The Internet and web technologies give billions of users the ability to share information and express their opinions on various issues. This enormous amount of data might be very valuable. Social media, as the main sharing platform, is a very promising data source for researchers to investigate and analyze how people feel or think on variety of issues, from politics to entertainment. Previous research has explored the problem of detecting controversies involving multiple kinds of entities (people, event, ) by analyzing different feelings and opinions on these entities. The music domain, as one of the most controversial domains, has not been investigated much in this research. This thesis studies to which extent Twitter, as a social media platform, can be used to detect controversies involving music artists. It generalizes and extends the work proposed in previous research to build good machine learning prediction models to detect these controversies. We analyze what people share about music artists in Twitter, present the problems in this data and study how to tackle most of them. Then, we use this data to build a new controversy detection dataset in the music domain. The created dataset is then used to evaluate a comprehensive set of features to be used in building prediction models to detect controversies involving music artists. We propose using information about the users who share their opinions along with information about the shared opinions themselves to enrich this set of features. Our evaluations show promising results in detecting controversies involving music artists using the created dataset. They also show that we can easily improve the results of detecting controversies in other domains as we also run our evaluations on a CNN news dataset. ; submitted by Mhd Mousa Hamad ; Universität Linz, Masterarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)2344955

Desde que comenzaron las revueltas antigubernamentales en Yemen, la llamada "revolución de los jóvenes" ha tenido que hacer frente a varios desafíos. La comunidad internacional, basándose en el carácter heterogéneo del movimiento, ha tratado de negar la validez del grupo como interlocutor. La participación tardía de la oposición partidista así como de los antiguos colaboradores e incluso miembros del régimen, está secuestrando el espíritu pacífico del movimiento y su carácter revolucionario. Además, la amenaza de una guerra civil que traería importantísimas consecuencias para la seguridad regional e internacional ha hecho que los actores internacionales hayan sido permisivos e incluso indulgentes con el gobierno de Saleh y sus veleidades a la hora de la firma del acuerdo del Golfo. Todos estos factores contribuyen a que exista una amenaza real de que, la actual revolución yemení, acabe siendo una revolución frustrada y que las ambiciones transformadoras de la sociedad queden en una transferencia de poder que, simplemente, opte por el continuismo ; Ever since the antigovernment demonstrations began, the so-called Youth Revolution has had to deal with several challenges. The International Community has tried to deny the movement as a trustworthy interlocutor on the grounds of its heterogeneity. The belated participation of partisan opposition and the adherence of regime's former allies (and even former government members) have contributed to the kidnapping of the movement's pacific character and is threatening its revolutionary idiosyncrasy. Besides, the threat of a civil war, which would bring devastating consequences for regional and international safety, has lead to an excessively indulgent position of international parties towards Saleh government and their fickleness on signing the Gulf's Agreement. These factors threaten to frustrate the current Yemeni Revolution. There is a real chance that popular desire of transformation ends stuck in a simple power transfer that proves to be mere political continuity