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Abstarct : The certification of Teachers is a government's policy to assess teacher's competencies in four areas as follows: professional, educational, social and personal competencies. Teachers who have passed the certification assessment will receive one multiple salary monthly. In the teacher certification policy, Indonesian government paying the salary of certified teachers is based on welfare state ideology. In this ideology, Indonesian government intervenes in fulfilling the fundamental rights of citizens, including education. By the certification of teachers program, Indonesian government tries to provide good education services to its citizens. The ideology of capitalism exists in the certified teacher attitudes who tend to be trapped in the culture of consumerism, by buying stuffs excessively which relatively has no relation to the improvement of teacher's qualification. Key Words: The Certification of Teacher, Capitalism, and Welfare State ; Abstrak : Sertifikasi guru adalah kebijakan negara untuk menilai kompe tensi guru dalam empat bidang kompetensi yaitu: kompetensi profesional, kompetensi edukatif, kompetensi sosial dan kompetensi kepribadian. Guru yang telah lulus uji sertifikasi akan mendapat tunjangan satu kali gaji. Pada dasarnya kebijakan sertifikasi yang notabene pemerintah membayar tunjangan atau gaji guru yang tersertifikasi adalah berdasarkan ideologi negara kemakmuran atau welfare state. Dalam ideologi ini negara ikut campur tangan pada pemenuhan hak-hak dasar warga negara termasuk bidang pendidikan. Dengan sertifikasi guru, pemerintah berupaya menyediakan layanan pendidikan yang berkualitas pada warga negara. Ideologi kapitalisme eksis pada sikap guru tersertifikasi yang cenderung terjebak pada budaya konsumtif, membeli barang secara berlebihan yang relatif tidak ada kaitannya dengan peningkatan kualifikasi guru. Kata Kunci: Sertifikasi Guru, Kapitalisme, Welfare State.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendapatkan gambaran yang lebih memadai tentang peranan wanitia desa Soco Bendo Magetan dalam mengatasi dampak psikologi sosial pasca Madiun Affair 1948. Penelitian dilakukan selama delapan bulan. Data diperoleh dari sumber materiil berupa sumber lisan/kesaksian laporan tertulis, dan dokumen, serta dari sumber non materiil berupa lembaga sosial, etik, dan tradisi. Penentuan responden dilakukan secara snowball. Teknik pengambilan data dengan wawancara, observasi, dan pencatatan dokumen. Analisis datanya menggunakan analisis kualitatif model interaktif.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Madiun Affait 1948 memodifikasi dan mendistorsi interaksi sosial masyarakat Soco yang hidup rukun dan saling menghargai berubah menjadi interaksi sosial yang penuh prasangka sosial dan sterotip. Dalam situasi seperti itu, kaum wanita mempunyai kemampuan mengontrol nilai-nilai dan mengkomunikasikan secara verbal maupun non verbal. Meski tidak banyak kaum wanita yang dapat mengakses simbol-simbol nilai secara komprehensif, namun simbol-simbol dan nilai-nilai hidup yang adiluhung dapat dienkulturasikan dan disosialisasikan kepada anggota keluarga, terutama anak-anak dan tetangga melalui petuah pendidikan keluarga. Kontak yang semakin intensif dalam memenuhi kebutuhan hidup dan juga perkembangan politik nasional memberi andil dalam mengeliminasi prasangka sosial dan sterotip di Soco Bendo Magetan.

Folktales which had become favourable choice for children to enjoy mainly before sleep are now undergoing degradation, even they become strange things and of ignorance for them. They do not need them anymore in the replacement of play stations, VCD players, and the likes. Inspite of children's ignorance against folktales, they fully contain moral values which are needed for our next generation to manage themselves better in leading the world. For this reason, folktales educationally need to be transformed and nurtured to children. In line with the progress of information technology, folktales can be packed in such a way to attract youngsters still in regard to the essence of their moral contents. The package of folktales can be in the forms of novels, comic-strips, film-strips, pictures, or electronic cinema which in turn can be served for children through educational centres, suveniers, students' stationaries. The role of the government is not to mention important in support of the implementation of them to children through its budget or legal hands to in-built curriculum.

Political clientelism remains political dilemma in South East Asian Politics, including Indonesian. Thus, democratization agendas in Indonesia Post Soeharto definitely should lead to transform political clientelism into more democratic political practices that based on citizenship. However, the experience of Prosperous Justice Party in enhancing party-based philanthropy activities in Yogyakarta shows that political clientelism did not fade away, but have been transformed into new type of clientelism which is more plural. The clients has grown into more autonomous but segmented. 771% paper concludes that the pattern of clientelism in contemporay Indonesinn politics has been changed from dependent and dominant relations into asymmetrical and reciprocal political transaction between more plural patrons and relatively autonomous clients.

Résumé L'exemple de l'Afrique du Sud et de sa Commission Vérité et Réconciliation qui veut faire face au régime d'Apartheid est souvent cité comme une « sucess story » dans l'histoire de la justice transitionnelle. Le « modèle » sud-africain démontre pour certains qu'il est vain d'opposer les notions de paix et de justice. Il permet aussi de poser la question suivante : à quelles conditions peut-on accorder l'amnistie ? Hanif Vally, militant anti-apartheid et avocat, nous offre une analyse du cas sud-africain sous l'angle de ce dilemme, confrontant son expérience de la CVR à la théorie de la justice transitionnelle, en passant par ses propres perceptions et par un retour précis sur le contexte politique et social de la mise en place de la Commission.

This article begins by seeking an explanation for the solidarity between Malay inmates and guards in perpetrating abusive and discriminatory treatment towards Malay transvestites. In the course of explaining an empirical phenomenon in the Singapore prison, this article has examined Singapore's history and ethnic demography, the ethnic Malay minority's lack of socio-economic development and modernisation vis-a-vis the ethnic Chinese majority, geo-politics, the ideology and strategic choices of the state's political elite and their implications for inter-ethnic interactions between Malays and Chinese. As this article will argue, prison culture, rather than being divorced from larger society, is in effect able to articulate and elaborate on the processes of social exclusion faced by ethnic Malay minorities and male transvestites in Singapore society. By shifting the conceptual focus from 'prison in society' to prison of society', a new analytical dimension of informal inmate culture and social structure has been realised; one which suggests immense possibilities for prison literature.

Debates on linkages between democracy and welfare remain fascinating issues in contemporary democracy studies, especially in Indonesia. Howeuer, mainstream studies on such issues were influenced, foremost, by political economy approaches and classic liberalism. Thus, mainstream studies pay less attentions on decontruct both the idea of democrary and welfare and tend to essensialize democracy and welfare. lt also insulate politics from conflict and social antagonisms. Rather than analysing pattern of linkages betwoeen welfare and democracy, this study inquire about 'welfare' itself –as common goods– is empty/floating signifier and then put emphasis on welfare –as articulatory social practices and discursiae reality– always been produced, presented and represented in and through political process or battle for hegemony. Moreover, whilst this study underline the primacy of political and discursive social practices, it strongly differ from model of deliberative democracy (liberal pluralist) since it re-emphasize agonistic model of democracy, that was introduced by post-marxist or radical pluralist thinkers. Last of all, agonistic model of democracy deem conflict, undecidability and social antagonism as virtue of democracy and main of political life.