Suchergebnisse

The author looks at the effects of the neo-liberal policies of the Bretton Woods institutions (IMF and World Bank) in Mozambique. He discusses how economic adjustment has benefitted only the better-off in Maputo; the poor and those outside have lost out as income gaps widen. However, the author notes that rural business has slightly benefitted from these policies. (DÜI-Sen)

Without sanctions, Nelson Mandela would not yet be free. Without sanctions, Namibia would not yet be independent. Sanctions were not the most important reason for either event, but sanctions were crucial in providing an extra push. They sped up the events leading to the release of Mandela and the independence of Namibia. And sanctions will continue to play an important role in accelerating progress toward genuine majority rule in South Africa.
In this Briefing, I will first look in detail at sanctions and the Namibia independence process, and consider other experiences of sanctions to show why South Africa is vulnerable to them; secondly, discuss the role of sanctions, and ask how they have affected South Africa and briefly look at the impact of sanctions on the SADCC states. Finally, I will look at the role of sanctions in the coming negotiations in South Africa.

Wirtschaftssanktionen gegen Südafrika spielten eine wichtige Rolle im Rahmen des Unabhängigkeitsprozesses von Namibia. Sie führten auch zum Einlenken der Minderheitsregierung in der RSA in der Frage von Verhandlungen mit der schwarzen Bevölkerungsmehrheit. Fragen nach der Bedeutung für Namibia und Simbabwe; Rückblick auf die ersten Sanktionen Indiens gegen die RSA in den vierziger Jahren; allgemeine Überlegungen zu Zielsetzung, Erfolgschancen und zum Problem, wen sie besonders hart treffen. (DÜI-Wsl)

The paper looks at South Africa's destabilization efforts in Mozambique. Catastrophic economic disruption in Mozambique because of destabilization. South Africa desperate to end its international isolation. Prospects of South Africa investment in Mozambique. (DÜI-Sen)

The move towards sanctions against South Africa may be glacially slow, but there clearly is now movement. Joseph Hanlon suggests that it is time to look more closely at the goals of sanctions, as well as at the key role to be played by TNCS.

Is Mozambique an African success story? It has 7 percent a year growth rate and substantial foreign investment. Fifteen years after the war of destabilisation, the peace has held. Mozambique is the donors' model pupil, carefully following their prescriptions and receiving more than a billion dollars a year in aid. The number of bicycles has doubled and this is often cited as the symbol of development. In this book the authors challenge some key assumptions of both the donors and the government and ask questions such as whether there has been too much stress on the Millennium Development Goals and too little support for economic development; if it makes sense to target the poorest of the poor, or would it be better to target those who create the jobs which will employ the poor; whether there has been too much emphasis on foreign investment and too little on developing domestic capital; and if the private sector really will end poverty, or must there be a stronger role for the state in the economy? This book is about more than Mozambique. Mozambique is an apparent success story that is used to justify the present 'post-Washington consensus' development model. Here, the case of Mozambique is situated within the broader development debate. Joseph Hanlon is Senior Lecturer at the Open University and the author of 'Beggar Your Neighbours'; 'Mozambique: Who Calls the Shots?'; and 'Peace without Profit' (all published by James Currey) which have all made influential interventions in the development debate; Teresa Smart is Director of the London Mathematics Centre, Institute of Education

ABSTRACT Despite rapid economic growth and massive inflows of aid, rural poverty in Mozambique is worsening. Agricultural production and productivity have not increased in the last decade. Use of chemical fertilizers and other modern technology is at a low level and decreasing. The present development model emphasizes that the role of government and donors is to provide human capital and infrastructure, while the private sector is responsible for economic development and ending poverty. The most recent national surveys confirm what is being seen elsewhere in Africa — that this non‐interventionist strategy does not raise agricultural productivity or reduce poverty. While 80 per cent of Mozambique's population is engaged in agriculture, this sector contributes only 20 per cent of GDP. This suggests that investments in agriculture are likely to generate pro‐poor growth, both to rural and urban dwellers. This policy failure is increasingly recognized, but donors and government have invested too much political capital in the current policy to change easily.