Turning against the Union? The impact of the crisis on the Eurosceptic vote in the 2014 European Parliament elections
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Volume 44, p. 504-514
ISSN: 0261-3794
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In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Volume 44, p. 504-514
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 19, p. 413-432
SSRN
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Volume 44, Issue December, p. 504-514
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Volume 77, Issue 1, p. [102]-113
ISSN: 0022-3816
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Volume 77, Issue 1, p. 102-113
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Volume 51, Issue 6, p. 701-728
ISSN: 0304-4130
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Volume 51, Issue 6, p. 701-727
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractVoters behave differently in European Parliament (EP) elections compared to national elections because less is at stake in these 'second‐order' elections. While this explains the primary characteristic of EP elections, it has often led to a conflation of distinct motivations for changing behaviour – namely sincere and protest voting. By distinguishing these motivations, this article addresses the question of when and why voters alter their behaviour in EP elections. In addition, it argues that the degree of politicisation of the EU in the domestic debate shapes the extent to which voters rely on EU, rather than national, considerations. These propositions are tested in a multilevel analysis in 27 countries in the 2009 EP elections. The findings have important implications for understanding why voters change their behaviour between different types of elections.
In: Electoral Studies, Volume 30, Issue 1, p. 67-76
In: Electoral Studies, Volume 30, Issue 1, p. 1-3
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Volume 30, Issue 1, p. 67-77
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Electoral Studies, Volume 30, Issue 1
Why has turnout in European Parliament (EP) elections remained so low, despite attempts to expand the Parliament's powers? One possible answer is that because little is at stake in these second-order elections only those with an established habit of voting, acquired in previous national elections, can be counted on to vote. Others argue that low turnout is an indication of apathy or even scepticism towards Europe. This article conducts a critical test of the 'little at stake' hypothesis by focusing on a testable implication: that turnout at these elections will be particularly low on the part of voters not yet socialized into habitual voting. This proposition is examined using both time-series cross-section analyses and a regression discontinuity design. Our findings show that EP elections depress turnout as they inculcate habits of non-voting, with long-term implications for political participation in EU member states. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]
In: Electoral Studies, Volume 30, Issue 1, p. 67-76
Why has turnout in European Parliament (EP) elections remained so low, despite attempts to expand the Parliament's powers? One possible answer is that because little is at stake in these second-order elections only those with an established habit of voting, acquired in previous national elections, can be counted on to vote. Others argue that low turnout is an indication of apathy or even scepticism towards Europe. This article conducts a critical test of the 'little at stake' hypothesis by focusing on a testable implication: that turnout at these elections will be particularly low on the part of voters not yet socialized into habitual voting. This proposition is examined using both time-series cross-section analyses and a regression discontinuity design. Our findings show that EP elections depress turnout as they inculcate habits of non-voting, with long-term implications for political participation in EU member states. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Volume 30, Issue 1, p. 1-4
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Electoral Studies, Volume 29, Issue 3, p. 358-369
In: Electoral Studies, Volume 29, Issue 3, p. 358-369
Single-party governments are commonly thought to be more clearly responsible for government policy than coalition governments. One particular problem for voters evaluating coalition governments is how to assess whether all parties within a coalition should be held equally responsible for past performance. As a result, it is generally argued that voters are less likely to hold coalition governments to account for past performance. This article uses data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems project to assess whether and how the composition of coalition governments affects the way in which people use their votes to hold governments to account, and which parties within coalitions are more likely to be held to account for the government's past performance. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]