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DURING THE YEARS BEFORE PERESTROIKA, A NUMBER OF SENIOR FIGURES IN THE SOVIET COMMUNIST PARTY EXPRESSED PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR AN EXTREME RUSSIAN NATIONALIST IDEOLOGY, IN SPITE OF ITS APPARENT CONTRADICTION WITH THE SPIRIT OF SOCIALIST INTERNATIONALISM. DURING THE GORBACHEV ERA, OPPOSITION TO THE GENERAL SECRETARY'S REFORMS WAS INCREASINGLY EXPRESSED IN TERMS OF A NATIONALIST RATHER THAN A MARXIST-LENINIST 'DISCOURSE', AS CONSERVATIVE COMMUNISTS ATTACKED THE CHANGES BROUGHT ABOUT BY PERESTROIKA FOR BEING UN-RUSSIAN. SINCE THE ABORTIVE COUP OF AUGUST 1991, OPPOSITION TO YELTSIN'S REFORM PROGRAMME HAS SIMILARLY FOCUSED ON ITS 'ANTI-NATIONAL' CHARACTER, FACILITATING A RAPPROCHEMENT BETWEEN CONSERVATIVE COMMUNISTS AND EXTREME RUSSIAN NATIONALISTS. THIS 'RED AND BROWN' COALITION POSES A CONSIDERABLE CHALLENGE TO THE RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT IN ITS ATTEMPT TO LEAD THE COUNTRY TOWARDS A POST-COMMUNIST SOCIETY AND SYSTEM.

Die Befürworter wirtschaftlicher Hilfeleistungen für Osteuropa verweisen häufig auf das historische Beispiel des Marshall-Plans beim wirtschaftlichen Wiederaufbau Weuteuropas nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs. Während damals jedoch die USA aufgrund ihrer dominierenden Weltposition autonom über die Art und Höhe der Hilfe entscheiden konnten, sind angesichts der veränderten Kräfteverhältnisse wirtschaftliche Hilfeleistungen für Osteuropa heute nur noch im Rahmen internationaler Kooperation möglich. Der Autor plädiert in diesem Zusammenhang für eine größere Rolle des IWF und der Europäischen Bank für Wiederaufbau und Entwicklung. (BIOst-Srt)

Previous studies have found that children have a negative, albeit fairly weak, impact on the psychological well-being of parents. These studies have generally focused on married respondents and, to a somewhat lesser extent, unmarried women, but have generally ignored unmarried men. For the most part, studies of parenthood and well-being have not considered the issue of adult and/or absent children. Defining parenthood so it includes relations with adult children, absent children, and dependent children in the home, the present study compares the impact of parenthood on the well-being of formerly married men and women to that of married men and women. The findings confirm that nonparents experience better mental health than parents and further indicate that (1) variation in the parental role is more strongly associated with psychological well-being for men than for women, (2) parenthood is most strongly related to well-being among formerly married men, for whom the greatest problems occur with the presence of young children, (3) the negative effect of the absence of children on parents is greater than the effect of the presence of children for married men and formerly married women, and (4) much of the negative effect of being divorced or being widowed has to do with the impact of children on psychological well-being, particularly for men. Theoretical implications are discussed.

A set of items from the General Social Survey for 1975 & 1977 measuring alienation & fear of walking near one's home at night which were claimed by George Gerbner et al (see SA 26:5/J6175) to be related to heavy television watching, are reanalyzed with simultaneous controls for age, sex, race, income, education, hours worked per week outside the home, church attendance, membership in voluntary associations, & population size. The effects of television watching claimed by Gerbner on responses to these items are largely absent in this analysis. Items in the same data set are analyzed by the above technique, with results that fail to support the Gerbner contention. The implications of these findings for a cultivation theory of television effects are discussed. 3 Tables. Modified HA.

"Over the course of the modern era, the traditional stereotype of authoritarian Germans has given way as they have become (mostly) model democrats. Looking at six German regimes across twelve decades, this study shows how and why Germans have chosen to be politically active (even under dictatorships), the enormous range of conceptions of political culture and democracy they have held; and how the interactions between these factors produced instability and stability at different times."--

Introduction : military culture and motivation in the armies of Napoleon -- From the coasts of the ocean to the snows of Poland : the grande Armée and Napoleonic military culture -- Honneur, gloire, et patrie : honor in Napoleon's legions -- Imperial virtue : the evolution of French patriotism -- Napoleon's manhood : sex and martial masculinity in the French army -- Clothing the new emperor : creating the cult of Napoleon -- The emperor's grognards : the officer corps -- Devoted soldiers and reluctant conquerors : the rank-and-file -- Conclusion : vive l'empereur! : sustaining motivation in the armies of Napoleon, 1803-1808

This article examines how Le Queux's writings about Russia both reflected and shaped the construction of the country in the British imagination in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The first part examines Le Queux's early novels, showing how his conviction that tsarist Russia posed a major threat to the security of the British Empire was reflected in his surprisingly positive treatment of the Russian revolutionary movement. The second part then examines how Le Queux's later writings on Russia reflected the changing nature of international politics following the outbreak of war in 1914. Russia's new-found status as Britain's ally in the First World War shaped the content of a number of books written by Le Queux in 1917–1918. These include Rasputin the Rascal Monk (1917) and The Minister of Evil: The Secret History of Rasputin's Betrayal of Russia (1918), in which Le Queux claimed that Rasputin was a creature of the German government.

This article discusses the way in which the national celebration of peace, held in the summer of 1919, was manifested locally. It begins by pointing out that 1919 itself was a year of major tensions and political dangers, and that in some places the celebrations themselves saw scenes of violence and rioting. Although peace celebrations were intended as, and usually portrayed as, a focus for national and local unity and harmony, the reality was more complex and they could 'unmask conflicting perspectives and values in communities up and down Britain'. The bulk of the article looks at the experience of Lancashire, and Michael Hughes observes that it 'is striking, and in some ways surprising, that most disorders . occurred in such places as Luton and Coventry rather than in the older industrial settlements of the north of England' with their tradition of radical politics.Extensive use is made of newspaper reporting of the Armistice, its aftermath, and the peace celebrations themselves, with close attention to the often wide discrepancies between what the government was proposing and what was acceptable to local authorities in Lancashire. A particular source of disagreement was the question of expenditure, with some councils taking the initiative, setting up special committees to plan and manage events, and voting significant sums for the funding of celebrations, but others being condemned for not spending enough. There were arguments about whether the money would be better spent on, for example, demobilised and disabled soldiers, a conflict illustrated by a vocal and passionate disagreement in the borough of Haslingden.The article shows how the celebrations took different forms in different places – for example, whether there was a military parade or a war veterans' parade as the centrepiece – and how in some places, such as Manchester and Liverpool, the mood was notably subdued in comparison with the joy which had greeted the November armistice. In contrast, in Bacup, St Annes and Clitheroe, among others, there ...