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This article analyzes party responses to European integration in Finland and Sweden. We argue that such responses are shaped by seven explanatory factors: basic ideology, public opinion, factionalism, leadership influence, party competition, transnational links, and the development of integration. Each factor can lead to a positive or a negative evaluation of the European Union. In the empirical analysis, the sample includes all parties represented in the respective national parliaments, and the research material consists of party documents, parliamentary votes, statements by leading party figures, public opinion surveys, direct observation and interviews. Party competition and leadership influence are the strongest factors in the Finnish case, while public opinion and factionalism are the strongest factors in Sweden. Issue avoidance combined with the secondary importance of the EU in party politics explain why parties have been relatively successful in containing internal factionalism and discord, especially in Finland. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

This chapter explores political executive-media relations in Sweden, with a particular focus on professional day-to-day relationships and habits. The analysis is mainly based on extensive interviews with journalists and government press secretaries, and it establishes the routinisation at work, as well as the professionalisation. The exchanges between journalists and their sources appear to be close but with recognition of each other's professional roles. Media developments influence the relationship, and the downsizing of newsrooms, multi-platform production 24/7 and increased competition for unique news have made journalists more dependent on available sources. At the same time, professionalisation of government communication makes news management more efficient and has centralising effects on executive systems. Together these trends shift the balance between journalists and their political sources in favour of the latter. The presented findings have important implications for research on journalism, media and political executives. ; Go to the full book to find a version of this chapter tagged for accessibility.

This chapter explores political executive-media relations in Sweden, with a particular focus on professional day-to-day relationships and habits. The analysis is mainly based on extensive interviews with journalists and government press secretaries, and it establishes the routinisation at work, as well as the professionalisation. The exchanges between journalists and their sources appear to be close but with recognition of each other's professional roles. Media developments influence the relationship, and the downsizing of newsrooms, multi-platform production 24/7 and increased competition for unique news have made journalists more dependent on available sources. At the same time, professionalisation of government communication makes news management more efficient and has centralising effects on executive systems. Together these trends shift the balance between journalists and their political sources in favour of the latter. The presented findings have important implications for research on journalism, media and political executives. ; Go to the full book to find a version of this chapter tagged for accessibility.

This chapter explores political executive-media relations in Sweden, with a particular focus on professional day-to-day relationships and habits. The analysis is mainly based on extensive interviews with journalists and government press secretaries, and it establishes the routinisation at work, as well as the professionalisation. The exchanges between journalists and their sources appear to be close but with recognition of each other's professional roles. Media developments influence the relationship, and the downsizing of newsrooms, multi-platform production 24/7 and increased competition for unique news have made journalists more dependent on available sources. At the same time, professionalisation of government communication makes news management more efficient and has centralising effects on executive systems. Together these trends shift the balance between journalists and their political sources in favour of the latter. The presented findings have important implications for research on journalism, media and political executives.

AbstractThis article aims to start filling a gap in contemporary research on the rotating EU presidencies. In particular, the article pays attention to the role played by domestic factors in the development and fate of EU presidencies. What is the level of conflict between the government and the opposition during EU presidencies? This question is central for us and we address it through an in-depth analysis of one single case, Sweden, through a comparative examination of the role that domestic politics played in the Swedish EU presidencies of 2001 and 2009. In conjunction with our four main explanations for the varying degrees of political conflict during EU presidencies we present four hypotheses that could be advanced in the comparative study of EU presidencies.

Cover -- Preface -- Introduction -- Chapter 1 Shaping institutions and policies: The EPP Group in the European Communities -- Shaping European integration: transnational party cooperation after 1945 -- Italo-German dominance: composition and governance -- Forging alliances: co-operation and competition with other political groups -- Federalist vocation: deepening European integration -- Farmers, markets, and new challenges: policy-making in the Communities -- Conclusion -- Chapter 2 Constitutionalising the Union: The Role of the EPP Group -- Introduction -- The EPP Group and the Single European Act (1986) -- The EPP Group and the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) -- The EPP Group and the Amsterdam Treaty (1997) -- The EPP Group and the Nice Treaty (2001) -- The EPP Group and the Constitutional Treaty (2004) -- The EPP Group and the Lisbon Treaty (2007) -- Conclusion -- Chapter 3 Co-Shaping the Internal Market: The EPP Group and EU Internal Policies -- Introduction -- From 'talking shop' to empowered co-legislator: The role of the EP in internal policies -- Agricultural policy -- Economic and Monetary Union -- Social policy -- Environmental policy -- Developments in internal policies -- Agricultural policy -- Economic and Monetary Union -- Social policy -- Environmental policy -- The EPP Group in the EP's committees -- The EPP Group and the CAP -- The EPP Group and Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) -- The EPP Group and social policy -- The EPP Group and environmental policy -- Conclusion -- APPENDIX -- Chapter 4 Values, Strategies, Actions: The EPP Group and EU External Relations -- The role of the European Parliament in EU external relations -- Developments in EU external relations since 2004: an overview -- The process of formulating EPP Group positions in EU external relations -- EPP Group cohesion in matters related to the EU external relations.

Democracy involves popular control over decision-making, and political equality among those exercising that control. In parliamentary democracies, day-to-day control is delegated to elected politicians, who organize themselves in political parties. Globally, political parties have become an important interface between government and the people. Since their establishment, European political parties have enhanced their role(s) within the polity of the European Union. Within the context of multiple challenges to democracy worldwide, and in view of the 2019 European Parliament elections, European political parties are increasingly called upon to represent EU citizens in their work, and ensure an effective connection with people. This Discussion Paper takes a comprehensive approach to understanding the role(s) of European political parties within the polity of the EU. It focuses on how European political parties can (re)connect with EU citizens, and emphasizes the regulatory framework in which European political parties operate. It also provides insights into European political parties' linkage with national political parties, and outreach in relation to EU political actors and citizens. It includes a set of recommendations to advance the broadening, deepening and diversification of avenues and tools for European political parties to connect with citizens.

Depuis près de trente ans, les fédérations européennes de partis font partie du paysage politique européen. Les premières élections du Parlement européen au suffrage universel direct (1979) avaient stimulé les recherches sur les groupements partisans transnationaux qui s'étaient formés dans cette perspective. Mais l'enthousiasme scientifique céda vite la place à l'oubli et il fallut attendre l'accélération de l'intégration européenne suite à l'Acte unique (1988) et au traité de Maastricht (1993) pour que la science politique s'y intéresse à nouveau. Au terme de la conférence intergouvernementale 2000 révisant l'article 138 A du traité sur l'Union européenne pour lui substituer l'article 191 du traité de Nice, il était nécessaire de faire le point sur la place des fédérations de partis dans l'Union européenne. Les auteurs du présent ouvrage les analysent sur les plans historique, politique et organisationnel. Ils mettent en évidence leur contribution à l'édification d'un système politique supranational en devenir. La première partie du livre est consacrée aux controverses et aux débats : il y est question, entre autres, des approches théoriques possibles, des contraintes institutionnelles qui pèsent sur le développement des fédérations européennes de partis et des conditions et modalités d'une reconnaissance éventuelle. Dans la deuxième partie, les auteurs analysent l'organisation des cinq structures partisanes constituées à ce jour : le parti des socialistes européens, le parti populaire européen, le parti européen des libéraux, démocrates et réformateurs, la Fédération européenne des partis verts, le parti démocratique des peuples d'Europe/Alliance libre européenne. Enfin, la dernière partie s'attache à l'influence de ces fédérations sur le processus de décision, sur les facteurs qui la conditionnent, sur la formation du consensus, sur le rôle des partis nationaux et les relations qu'elles entretiennent avec le Conseil européen, le Conseil des ministres, la Commission européenne et les groupes politiques au Parlement européen.