Condemned to rootlessness: The loyalist origins of Canada's identity crisis
In: Nationalism & ethnic politics, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 110-136
ISSN: 1557-2986
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In: Nationalism & ethnic politics, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 110-136
ISSN: 1557-2986
In: Nationalism and ethnic politics, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 110-136
ISSN: 1353-7113
Examines reasons for the failure of English Canadians to develop a sense of indigenous ethnicity. It is argued that this crisis stems from a nonethnic identity in the Loyalist English ethnic core that is split between a repressed US folk culture & an exalted set of British myths, symbols, & narratives, as seen in the War of 1812. The institutionalization of this tension in religious & class divisions is discussed along with the growth & decline of Loyalism as the dominant form of English Canadian identity & current efforts to revive it. It is concluded that the duality within Loyalism has forced English-speaking Canadians to rely on the weak, neutral Canadian nation-state as a basis of identity. Adapted from the source document.
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 342-344
ISSN: 1354-5078
Globalization and migration are pressuring nations around the world to change their ethnic self-definition and to treasure diversity not homogeneity. This book explores the growing gap between modern nations and their dominant ethnic groups.
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 1119-1121
ISSN: 1541-0986
Classic theories of nationalism, whether modernist or ethnosymbolist, emphasise the role of elites and spread of a common imagined community from centre to periphery. Recent work across a range of disciplines challenges this account by stressing the role of horizontal, peer-to-peer, dynamics alongside top-down flows. Complexity theory, which has recently been applied to the social sciences, expands our understanding of horizontal national dynamics. It draws together contemporary critiques, suggesting that researchers focus on the network properties of nations and nationalism. It stresses that order may emerge from chaos, hence 'national' behaviour may appear without an imagined community. Treating nations like complex systems whose form emerges from below should focus research on four central aspects of complexity: emergence, feedback loops, tipping points and distributed knowledge, or 'the wisdom of crowds'. This illuminates how national identity can be reproduced by popular activities rather than the state; why nationalist ideas may gestate in small circles for long periods, then suddenly spread; why secession is often contagious; and why wide local variation in the content of national identity strengthens rather than weakens the nation's power to mobilise.
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Will the rising share of ethnic minorities in western societies spark a backlash or lead to greater acceptance of diversity? This paper examines this question through the prism of the UK Independence Party (UKIP), the most successful populist right party in British history. The paper contributes to work on contextual effects by arguing that ethnic levels and changes cross-pressure white opinion and voting. It argues that high levels of established ethnic minorities reduce opposition to immigration and support for UKIP among White Britons. Conversely, more rapid ethnic changes increase opposition to immigration and support for UKIP. Longitudinal data demonstrates that these effects are not produced by self-selection. The data further illustrate that with time, diversity levels increase their threat-reducing power while the threatening effects of ethnic change fade. Results suggest that the contextual effects literature needs to routinely unpack levels from changes. This also suggests that if the pace of immigration slows, immigration attitudes should soften and populist right voting decline. Does diversity heighten or reduce white threat perceptions? This paper claims that this depends on which form of diversity we examine: levels or changes. The level of ethnic diversity, in the British case, consists of the local proportion of non-White British population. This is distinct from ethnic change: the rate of increase of the local non-White British population. This paper surmises that, for the British case, local minority levels are conducive to contact and minority changes to threat. Others, working on different cases (i.e. Newman, 2013), have tested one argument or the other, but not both together - even where they have included both level and change variables in the same model. Moreover, there is a paradox: prior ethnic change, i.e. immigration, contributes to current minority levels. How then does threat-enhancing diversity transmute into threat-reducing diversity? This work provides an answer: habituation. That is, the threatening effects of ethnic change fade over time while threat-reducing properties of minority levels increase in power with time. Therefore, in addition to testing the levels versus changes argument for Britain, this work advances and tests the habituation mechanism. A final aim of the paper is to set these findings within the context of a meta-analysis of all work undertaken between 1995 and 2016 on the impact of ethno-contextual effects on immigration attitudes and populist right voting.
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The term political extremism is commonly used to refer to political attitudes considered to be outside the ideological mainstream. This study leverages computational content analysis of big data to longitudinally examine (1970–2019) the prevalence of terms denoting far-right and far-left political extremism in more than 30 million written news and opinion articles from 54 news media outlets popular in the United States and the United Kingdom. We find that the usage of terms denoting right and left political extremism has been increasing across news media outlets in both countries. This trend is particularly stark for far-right-denoting terms, which have been growing in prevalence since at least 2008. Most U.S. and U.K. news media outlets tend to use far-right-denoting terms substantially more often than they use far-left-denoting terms. The rising prevalence in news media of terms denoting political extremism is strongly correlated with similar growing usage of terms denoting prejudice and social justice discourse.
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In: The political quarterly, Band 91, Heft 1, S. 98-101
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 1153-1189
ISSN: 1469-8129
AbstractIdeal types have received less attention than membership criteria in the ethnicity and nationalism literature. This article uses crowdsourced genealogical data and onomastics software to show that British Isles surnames and ancestry remain over‐represented among American actors, especially in roles connected with the national narrative. Conformity to the WASP ideal type persists despite the fact American actors are disproportionately born in Los Angeles, New York, and other large cities, where British ancestry is rare. Jewish actors are over‐represented, yet many have Anglo surnames. Compared to athletes and politicians, actors are significantly more likely to have Anglo surnames, especially those in genres depicting the nation. After declining among cohorts of stars born between the 1800s and 1961, the share of British Isles surnames has stabilised and remains in the majority. We argue that despite rising diversity, this reflects the continuing importance of the Anglo‐Protestant ethnic imago for American national identity.
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 48, Heft 12, S. 1563-1590
ISSN: 1552-3829
Does the local presence of immigrant groups increase White hostility to immigration? Most research finds that diverse neighborhoods reduce White opposition to minorities and immigration. However, most studies at higher geographies find the reverse effect. We confirm this pattern for England and Wales for 2009-2012. Yet, contextual studies are open to selection bias, which is where this article makes its main contribution. Is White tolerance in diverse neighborhoods the result of a positive effect of inter-ethnic contact, or does it arise from White flight, with anti-immigrant Whites exiting diverse areas but remaining within wider geographies as radicalized opponents of immigration? We provide the first attempt we are aware of to track the opinions of in- and out-migrants, as well as stayers, from local areas over an extended period. We use 20 years of large-scale geocoded British longitudinal data and find only limited evidence of selection effects associated with White flight.
In: APSA 2009 Toronto Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 14, Heft 4, S. 743-767
ISSN: 1469-8129
ABSTRACT. This article argues that the world is in the midst of a long‐term transition from dominant minority to dominant majority ethnicity. Whereas minority domination was common in premodern societies, modernity (with its accent on democracy and popular sovereignty) has engendered a shift to dominant majority ethnicity. The article begins with conceptual clarifications. The second section provides a broad overview of the general patterns of ethnic dominance that derive from the logic of modern nationalism and democratisation. The third section discusses remnants of dominant minorities in the modern era and suggests that their survival hinges on peculiar historical and social circumstances coupled with resistance to democratisation. The fourth section shifts the focus to dominant majorities in the modern era and their relationship to national identities. The article ends with a discussion of the fortunes of dominant ethnicity in the West.
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 14, Heft 4, S. 813-816
ISSN: 1469-8129