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This article appeared in Strategic Insights, v.9, issue 1 (Spring-Summer 2010) ; pp. 116-159. ; This article is drawn from Kelly M. Greenhill, Weapons of Mass Migration: Forced Displacement, Coercion and Foreign Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Studies in Security Affairs, Cornell University Press, 2010) with our great appreciation to the author and publisher. For further details or to purchase a copy, please visit http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100627270 ; The article is organized as follows: I begin by outlining the logic behind the coercive use of purposefully created migration and refugee crises and discuss its relative, if under-recognized, prevalence. In the second section, I briefly describe the kind of actors who resort to the use of this unconventional weapon as well as highlight the diverse array of objectives sought by those who employ it. I also show that this kind of coercion has proven relatively successful, at least as compared to more traditional methods of persuasion, particularly against (generally more powerful) liberal democratic targets. In the third section, I propose an explanation for why democracies appear to have been most frequently (and most successfully) targeted. I also advance my broader theory about the nature of migration-driven coercion, including how, why, and under what conditions it can prove efficacious. I conclude with a brief discussion of broader implications and further applications of the theory. ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

We know little about how market reform affects political development, especially citizens' behavior. Market reform advocates prescribe that citizens should reduce their reliance on the state, turn to nonstate actors for assistance, and obtain limited state goods and services through their membership in certain social categories, not their particular traits. An analysis of three mass surveys and 232 interviews the author conducted in Central Asia, along with additional data from 24 postcommunist countries, reveals that market reform can have effects opposite from those prescribed: Individuals may make particularistic demands of government officials instead of relying on nonstate actors. This occurs in countries where state economic intervention was substantial and where reforms reduced the state's economic role but failed to develop market-enhancing institutions. Under these conditions individuals informally seek resources from state officials because nonstate actors do not offer substitute resources, and market reform policies discourage reliance on the state.

This thesis explores the bloody conflict in Northern Ireland between the Irish nationalist community, those desiring a united Ireland, and the Ulster loyalist community, those longing to remain a part of the UK, known as the Troubles (1969-1998). More specifically, this thesis centers on the strong and courageous women who played undeniably significant roles throughout the conflict. Some women campaigned for better and equal rights for women, some protested for political justice, some picked up guns to fight, and still others advocated for peace. Using the real women of history as a guide, it will create a lens through which to study these women as they are represented in literature, art, and film.

Using survey data from a small sample of nonprofit agencies in the Detroit metropolitan area, this article examines the rate at which nonprofits adopt earned income strategies. For the purpose of this analysis, efforts to generate earned income are described as "entrepreneurial" and measured through product sales, enterprise development, and assessing fees for services. A number of factors are thought to influence the adoption of these activities, including budget cuts from government sources, declining revenues from private donors, board composition, staff hours devoted to marketing and public relations activities, having a secular orientation, and agency size. Findings indicate that larger organizations and those experiencing reductions in funding from government are more likely to adopt entrepreneurial measures. Organizations with a religious affiliation and those experiencing declines in private contributions are also more inclined to pursue these approaches.

Over the past two decades an enormous increase in intercountry adoptions has prompted international concern over the victimization of children, birth parents, and adoptive families. Recently, the United States has closely scrutinized babytrafficking in Cambodia. Reports of widespread buying, selling, and stealing of Cambodian infants for international adoption prompted the United States to place a moratorium on adoptions from Cambodia on December 21, 2001. In addition, the international community has drafted treaties such as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child ("CRC") and the Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoption ("Hague Convention") to normalize and systematize the process of international adoptions. After ratifying the Hague Convention, the United States enacted the Intercountry Adoption Act of 2000 ("IAA"). This Comment argues that current U.S. and Cambodian initiatives to stem the rise of fraudulent adoptions from Cambodia are ineffective. Although Cambodia has ratified the CRC, it has not made significant efforts to implement its provisions. International treaties, such as the Hague Convention, which are designed to prevent black-market activities and protect children, do not provide the Cambodian government with adequate incentives or logistical and financial support and are thus unlikely to be adopted. The IAA, once implemented, will not apply to adoptions from Cambodia because Cambodia is not a signatory to the Hague Convention. Moreover, the Immigration and Naturalization Service ("INS") ban on adoptions from Cambodia temporarily masks, but will not cure, the black-market trade of infants from that country. The INS may prevent baby-trafficking for the duration of the moratorium, but without substantive changes to the adoption process in Cambodia, the moratorium does little to protect genuine orphans or future baby-trafficking victims. Instead, programs aimed at improving specific areas of the foreign adoption process, such as a national registry of adopted and adoptable ...