Suchergebnisse

The post-World War II period is typically seen as a time of stark division, an epochal global conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. But beneath the surface, the postwar era witnessed a striking degree of international cooperation. The United Nations and its agencies, as well as regional organizations, international nongovernmental organizations, and private foundations brought together actors from conflicting worlds, fostering international collaboration across the geopolitical and ideological divisions of the Cold War. Diving into the archives of these organizations and associations, Sandrine Kott provides a new account of the Cold War that foregrounds the rise of internationalism as both an ideology and a practice. She examines cooperation across boundaries in international spaces, emphasizing the role of midsized powers, including Eastern European and neutral countries. Kott highlights how the need to address global inequities became a central concern, as officials and experts argued that economic inequality imperiled the creation of a lasting peace. International organizations gave newly decolonized and "Third World" countries a platform to challenge the global distribution of power and wealth, and they encouraged transnational cooperation in causes such as human rights and women's rights. Assessing the failure to achieve a new international economic order in the 1970s, Kott adds new perspective on the rise of neoliberalism. A truly global study of the Cold War through the lens of international organizations, A World More Equal also shows why the internationalism of this era offers resources for addressing social and global inequalities today.

The post-World War II period is typically seen as a time of stark division, an epochal global conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. But beneath the surface, the postwar era witnessed a striking degree of international cooperation. The United Nations and its agencies, as well as regional organizations, international nongovernmental organizations, and private foundations brought together actors from conflicting worlds, fostering international collaboration across the geopolitical and ideological divisions of the Cold War.Diving into the archives of these organizations and associations, Sandrine Kott provides a new account of the Cold War that foregrounds the rise of internationalism as both an ideology and a practice. She examines cooperation across boundaries in international spaces, emphasizing the role of midsized powers, including Eastern European and neutral countries. Kott highlights how the need to address global inequities became a central concern, as officials and experts argued that economic inequality imperiled the creation of a lasting peace. International organizations gave newly decolonized and "Third World" countries a platform to challenge the global distribution of power and wealth, and they encouraged transnational cooperation in causes such as human rights and women's rights. Assessing the failure to achieve a new international economic order in the 1970s, Kott adds new perspective on the rise of neoliberalism. A truly global study of the Cold War through the lens of international organizations, A World More Equal also shows why the internationalism of this era offers resources for addressing social and global inequalities today

In this volume the author studies the rise and development of the German social state up to 1914 in a European context. She asks what the conditions were that led to the development of a social democracy, the actual administrative practices and the fundamental repercussions for the nation of installing social insurance. She also touches on the particular situation of women and the role of healthcare politics. This study show that the German social state was an outgrowth of the existing social practices, and that its rise was part of an overall development throughout Europe.

Based on the case of the ILO, both as an actor and driver of international social policy, this collection explores the internationalization process of social rights, in a number of national and international contexts. This collection brings together a variety of new scholarship by a group of highly qualified and internationally renowned scholars

In the slipstream of the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States, there has been a global mobilisation around monuments and statues of famous figures involved in the slave trade and European colonial conquest. In former colonial states – such as France and Britain – and states shaped by the legacies of slavery – such as the United States – activists have defaced, damaged or torn down monuments associated with these contested pasts. This is hardly a novelty. The destruction of physical symbols is often a response to regime change. But, in this case, the mobilisation has taken a different form. Instead of legitimising a new regime and new elites, the destruction of monuments is part of a demand for justice from historically marginalised groups who are seeking to reclaim their heritage. The deconstruction of these monuments automatically entails the deconstruction of dominant national narratives that have contributed to such marginalisation.

À travers la figure du professeur de droit social et socialiste genevois Alexandre Berenstein, cet article livre une réflexion sur les ressorts et les formes de l'engagement en faveur de la réforme sociale au XX e siècle. Suivre le parcours d'Alexandre Berenstein permet d'éclairer et de combiner trois caractéristiques de cet engagement. Son activité permet d'abord de poursuivre la réflexion sur les échelles de la protection sociale du local à l'international. Son parcours éclaire ensuite l'évolution des formes de l'engagement social international, des mondes de la « nébuleuse réformatrice » depuis l'Association pour le progrès social jusqu'à la communauté d'experts au sein de la Société internationale de droit du travail et de la sécurité sociale. Enfin, socialiste de conviction, Berenstein est aussi un militant de terrain et s'engage dès les années 1930 en faveur de la réforme sociale au sein du mouvement syndical et socialiste. Étudier ses convictions et ses activités de terrain permet de contribuer au débat actuel sur le rôle qu'ont joué les acteurs de la social-démocratie dans les projets internationalistes de la réforme sociale, les réseaux qu'ils ont constitués, les pratiques qu'ils ont déployées jusqu'à leur échec et l'entrée dans la logique néo-libérale à la fin des années 1970.

Ce dossier se saisit de la tension qui existe entre la vigueur des échanges d'idées, d'expertises et de savoir-faire sociaux d'une part et la faible efficacité des régulations sociales internationales de l'autre. Pour analyser cet écart il procède à un triple choix. Il sélectionne les lieux (associations et organisations) où s'élaborent un discours, voire des paradigmes et solutions sociales internationales. À partir de ces lieux, il met en lumière le profil et le rôle des « experts » impliqués dans cette réflexion, les réseaux, nationaux et internationaux, dont ils sont issus. Enfin, il s'interroge sur certain des blocages auxquels ces experts sont confrontés lorsqu'il s'agit de mettre en œuvre les mesures élaborées. Si le rôle des organisations et associations internationales se révèle important pour la mise à l'agenda de questions sociales et l'élaboration de normes minimales, il apparaît clairement que ces discussions ne parviennent pas à accoucher de véritables régulations sociales internationales, sans parler même d'une harmonisation ou d'une coordination des législations nationales. Enfin, en dépit de décennies de politiques de développement, on est encore bien loin d'une redistribution sociale globale.