Suchergebnisse

In 2016, there were an estimated 40.3 million victims of modern slavery in the world, more than were enslaved during the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Since the adoption of the 2000 UN Trafficking Protocol, numerous efforts from inter-governmental agencies, governmental agencies, international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), and domestic non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have strived to combat the phenomena of human trafficking through legal-institutional means, direct interventions, and programs of support for those exploited. This anti-trafficking work has paid varying degrees of attention to the principles and methods of monitoring, evaluation, and impact assessment, but has often been subject to the end of project evaluations. Similar to findings of reviews of evaluations in the international development sector, evaluations of anti-trafficking programing have primarily focused on assessing the progress of project implementation and the achievement of outputs, rather than tracking the achievement of outcomes or impact. This is further complicated by the hidden nature of human trafficking and the trauma experienced by human-trafficking victims. As a consequence, despite some evidence of raised awareness and increased levels of funding, organizations are still struggling to demonstrate impact and discern what works to combat human trafficking. This article analyses the evaluations of counter-trafficking programing produced since the Protocol to draw conclusions regarding the lessons learned from these interventions and the methods used to monitor and evaluate human-trafficking programs. By highlighting gaps, this article provides a series of suggestions on how to better track progress and impact toward the elimination of modern slavery.

Executive summary 1. Democracy assessment in Mongolia was a state-led exercise conducted as part of the follow-up activities to the 5th International Conference of New or Restored Democracies and involved the active participation of the Government, Parliament, and Civil Society. 2. The process of democracy assessment itself provided a unique opportunity for critical self-reflection within Mongolia about the quality of democracy, the performance of democratic institutions, and elite and mass perceptions of democracy. 3. The follow-up activities successfully generated methods for assessing democracy in the particular context of Mongolia using comparable concepts and measures employed in the measurement and assessment of democracy in other developed and developing democracies around the world, as well as a series of 'satellite' indicators that captured aspects of democracy particular to the Mongolian national context. 4. Mongolia has built on the assessment process by institutionalising a democratic reform agenda through the passage of the 9th Millennium Development Goal on democracy, human rights, and zero tolerance of corruption. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i18.73 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs No.18 2013: 105-117

The article examines the relationship between constitutional design & democratic performance. To do so, it draws on a new data set, containing measures of eight core values of liberal democratic government (accountability, representation, constraint, participation, political rights, civil rights, property rights, minority rights) for 40 country cases over 29 years. It uses pooled cross-section time-series regressions to explore the effects of executive-legislative relations, electoral rules, & federal-unitary government, while controlling for the contextual conditions of economic wealth, political culture, & the longevity of democratic government itself. The article reviews previous attempts to explore the relationship in order to sharpen the definition of democratic performance, explore key aspects of the research design, & compare the statistical results with the present state of our knowledge. Overall, the results tend to support the superior performance of parliamentary over presidential systems, &, in lesser degree, of unitary over federal systems. The performance profiles of proportional representation & plurality electoral systems, on the other hand, appear as distinct but quite evenly matched. But reasons are given for exercising some care with causal inferences, & for applying the results to closer-focus comparative institutional analysis. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.