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"For 79 days in late 2014, Hong Kong became the focus of international attention due to a public demonstration for "genuine democracy" that would become known as the Umbrella Movement. During this time, twenty percent of the local population would join the demonstration, the most large-scale and sustained act of civil disobedience in Hong Kong's history -- and the largest public protest campaign in China since the 1989 student movement in Beijing. On the surface this movement was not unlike other large-scale protest movements that have occurred around the world in recent years. But the authors argue that it was distinct in how bottom-up processes evolved into a centrally organized, programmatic movement with concrete policy demands. As well, they argue that the particular spark for the movement was a flourishing culture of protest in Hong Kong, but conditioned by a relatively conservative public ethos, in which order is paramount. Lee and Chan analyze how traditional mass media institutions and digital media combined with on-the-ground networks in such a way as to propel citizen participation and the evolution of the movement as a whole. As such they argue that the Umbrella Movement is important in the way it sheds light on the rise of digital-media-enabled social movements, the relationship between digital media platforms and legacy media institutions, the power and limitations of such occupation protests and new "action logics," and the continual significance of 'old' protest logics of resource mobilization and collective action frames"--

Much academic research has examined the transformation of Hong Kong people's national and local identification after 1997. This article further develops the literature by focusing on the notion of cultural othering and adopting the perspective of eventful sociology. It contends that, up to year 2020, an important aspect of Hong Kong people's identity change was the increasing tendency, especially among the younger generation, to see Hong Kong and Chinese identities as separable from—or even contrasting witheach other. This cultural othering was an ongoing trend augmented by both routinized and unpredicted political events. Analysis of longitudinal and individual-level survey data shows that Legislative Council elections and major social protests strengthened this tendency of othering. This article adds to the understanding of the post-handover development of Hong Kong people's political identities. Theoretically, the article illustrates the role of political events in the process of cultural othering and identity evolution.(J Contemp China / GIGA)

This article compares the characteristics of 814 female and male Pulitzer Prize winners from 1917 to 2010. Borrowing the "compensation model" from political science, this study shows that female winners were more likely to have a metropolitan upbringing, a journalism major, and a graduate degree. These differences manifest the logic of compensation: some forms of social capital can be important for female journalists to overcome gender disadvantage in competing for recognition. The compensational model, however, is historically contingent. In more recent years, women journalists no longer needed the compensational capital to boost their chances.

This article addresses the problem of generational transmission of collective memory in Hong Kong about the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident. It focuses on the young participants in the annual 4 June commemoration rallies and examines the process of mnemonic socialization that brought them into the community of 4 June commemoration. Drawing upon a rally onsite survey and in-depth interviews, this study found that many young people went through a dynamic process of gradual discovery in which various social institutions-school, family and media-played complementary roles. Their understanding of Tiananmen tended to be simplified and essentialized. Yet the loss of details through essentialization has arguably allowed them to uphold a clear-cut moral judgment regarding the event and dismiss certain memory-blurring discourses straightforwardly. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

AbstractA wave of large-scale demonstrations from 2003 to 2006 has given rise to a new pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong and raised important questions about the political activism of the Hong Kong public. This study aims at achieving a better understanding of the cultural underpinnings of Hong Kong people's protest participation (and non-participation). Following a tradition of constructivist analysis which sees culture as a set of shared and more or less structured ideas, symbols, feelings and common senses, this study examines how participants in the pro-democracy protests make sense of their experiences and the ongoing political and social changes in Hong Kong. It shows that the 1 July 2003 demonstration has indeed empowered many of its participants, but feelings of efficacy became more complicated and mixed as people continued to monitor changes in the political environment and interpret the actions of others. At the same time, beliefs and ideas that can be regarded as part of Hong Kong's culture of de-politicization remain prevalent among the protesters. The findings of the study allow us to understand why many Hong Kong people view protests as important means of public opinion expression and yet participate in them only occasionally.