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The status of ideational explanations in political science has been strengthened by the argument that institutionalized ideas structure actors' identification of their interests as well as the interests of their political adversaries. Despite its utility, the focus on the institutionalization of ideas has had the unfortunate consequence that actors are often, implicitly or explicitly, believed to internalize ideas, making it difficult to understand how actors are able to change their ideas and institutions. Drawing on cultural sociology and ideational theory, the paper introduces the 'bricoleur' as an alternative vision of agency. It is argued, first, that actors cannot cognitively internalize highly structured symbolic systems, and ideas are thus 'outside the minds of actors'. Second, using the cognitive schemas at their disposal, actors construct strategies of action based on pre-constructed ideational and political institutions. Third, actors must work actively and creatively with the ideas and institutions they use, because the structure within which actors work does not determine their response to new circumstances. Fourth, as a vast number of ideational studies have shown, actors face a complex array of challenges in getting their ideas to the top of the policy agenda, which makes it all the more important to act pragmatically, putting ideas together that may not be logically compatible but rather answer political and cultural logics. In sum, agency often takes the form of bricolage, where bits and pieces of the existing ideational and institutional legacy are put together in new forms leading to significant political transformation.

Most theories about ideas in politics implicitly conceptualise ideas as relatively stable entities that act as a catalyst for political change in times of crisis. In these theories political change is usually brought on by the full and sudden replacement of old ideas with new ones. This article's main charge against the mainstream view of ideas is that it is based on a simplified conception of ideas which in turn creates a bias within the theories that leads them to focus on how ideas trigger change in times of crisis. In effect, the theories overlook incremental yet significant ideational change in times of stability. With inspiration from discourse theory and 'the interpretive approach', the article develops a more dynamic understanding of ideas as being composed of several related elements of meaning that typically do not reach a final stage of stability or equilibrium. Furthermore, it is argued that this theory of the micro structure of ideas can account for both incremental and paradigmatic ideational change. Two types of incremental ideational change are discussed and exemplified with empirical examples from British politics: first, a change in the relation between the existing elements of an idea and, second, a change of one or more (but not all) elements of an idea.

Civil Society is increasingly involved in the policy area of international arms control. Their opportunities are very limited for compliance control in the nuclear nonproliferation regime due to its particular sensitivity. This paper starts off with a discussion of technical failures in the official verification of the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and of its political obstruction and biased interpretation. The severe gaps not being able to detect clandestine facilities render little civil society contributions highly influential and controversial. More and more data get available for the civil society that can be used to expose potential violations of the NPT and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. Based on case studies and on systematic considerations the contributions that civil society may offer are analyzed with regard to the different stages of verification and to the various degrees of integration with the official procedures. Adapted from the source document.

Research on the role of ideas has contributed greatly to our understanding of processes of policy change. The article suggests that theories that deal with interest-driven reform processes might also benefit in important ways from including ideas as a variable in their models. Arguing that ideas are useful to power-seeking actors, the article develops a theory about the nature of ideas that emphasises the dynamic and open-ended relation between actors and ideas: actors can use different strategies to affect ideas to work in their interest, but because of their intersubjective nature, ideas have a life of their own and are never fully controllable. Analysing the case of the Danish jobcentre reform it is demonstrated how ideas may be introduced by actors in order to promote their interests, but actors must use ideas with due attention to the historical background of the idea as well as which other ideas can be associated with them, both in present and future policy processes. In this way ideas create – with their dynamic nature – both possibilities and limits for power-seeking actors.

AbstractAs the results of the Human Genome Project are realized, it has become technically possible to identify carriers of numerous autosomal and X-linked recessive disorders. Couples at risk of having a child with one of these conditions have a number of reproductive options to avoid having a child with the condition should they wish. In Australia the haemoglobinopathies are the only group of conditions for which population screening is widely offered and which is government funded. In some Australian states there are also population screening programs for cystic fibrosis and autosomal recessive conditions more common in Ashkenazi Jewish individuals which are generally offered on a user pays basis. It is predicted that as consumer demand increases and testing becomes cheaper, that many people planning or in the early stages of pregnancy will have carrier screening for multiple genetic conditions. This will have significant implications for genetic counseling, laboratory and prenatal testing resources. In addition such screening raises a number of ethical issues including the value of lives of those born with genetic conditions for which screening is available.