Comment Nicolas Sarkozy a rétréci l'électorat Le Pen
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 57, Heft 3-4, S. 429-445
ISSN: 0035-2950
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In: Revue française de science politique, Band 57, Heft 3-4, S. 429-445
ISSN: 0035-2950
World Affairs Online
In: International journal of conflict and violence: IJCV, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 51-60
ISSN: 1864-1385
"The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a 'new Judeophobia' that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of 'Jews,' 'Israelis,' and 'Zionists.' One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the 'altermondialistes,' the communists, and the 'neo-Trotskyists.' The article provides answers to the following questions: Are anti-Jewish views on the increase in France today? Do these opinions correlate with negative opinions of other minorities, notably Maghrebians and Muslims? Do they tend to develop among voters and sympathizers with the extreme right or on the extreme left of the political spectrum? And how are they related to opinions concerning Zionism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? The evaluation of the transformations in French anti-Semitism relies on two types of data. The first is police and gendarmerie statistics published by the National Consultative Committee on Human Rights (CNCDH), which is charged with presenting the prime minister with an annual report on the struggle against racism and xenophobia in France. The other is data from surveys, notably surveys commissioned by CNCDH for its annual report and surveys conducted at the Center for Political Research (CEVIPOF) at Sciences Po (Paris Institute for Political Research). The data show that anti-Semitic opinions follow a different logic from acts, that the social, cultural, and political profile of anti-Semites remains very close to that of other types of racists, and that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism do not overlap exactly." (author's abstract)
In: International Journal of Conflict and Violence, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 51-60
The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists.". Adapted from the source document.
Avec 10,4% de suffrages exprimés et un million de suffrages en moins que le 21 avril 2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen fait son plus mauvais score à une élection présidentielle, si l'on excepte celle de 1974, antérieure à son émergence électorale. Le résultat a d'autant plus surpris que les sondages pré électoraux lui attribuaient un score variant plutôt entre 12 et 15% et que de rumeurs insistantes circulaient sur ses chances d'être encore une fois présent au second tour. On peut y voir l'effet du « vote utile » consécutif au choc du 21 avril, qui a laminé tous les petits candidats à la seule exception d'Olivier Besancenot. Un désir de renouvellement de la classe politique a joué aussi, qui a balayé la vieille génération, d'Arlette Laguiller à Le Pen, au profit des « quinquas ». Mais il y a des facteurs spécifiques au vote frontiste que le Panel électoral français (PEF2007) permet d'examiner avec plus de précision que les autres enquêtes par sondage.C'est une enquête en face à face, elle porte sur 4000 personnes, et surtout les intentions de vote ont été recueillies dans des conditions plus proches de l'élection, en demandant aux personnes interrogées de glisser leur bulletin dans une urne au lieu d'avoir à déclarer leur choix à l'enquêteur ou l'enquêtrice. Le procédé réduit la sous estimation du vote Le Pen, qui reste marqué par une nette réprobation morale et plus difficile à avouer. En données brutes on trouve effectivement 7,7% d'intentions de vote en faveur de Le Pen pour le premier tour 2007 et 13,7% de l'échantillon disent avoir voté pour lui le 21 avril 2002, soit des écarts d'environ 3 points par rapport aux votes réels, très inférieurs à ceux des sondages courants. Si l'on redresse pour redonner au vote Le Pen son poids réel, on obtient un sous échantillon d'électeurs lepénistes de 366 personnes. Avec elles, qui assument leur choix, on a comme un miroir grossissant de l'électorat lepéniste actuel. Grâce à ces données on peut retracer les mécanismes de ce dégonflement del'électorat Le Pen. Qui est resté, y a t il ou non permanence de ses structures électorales ? Qui est parti, quels sont les mécanismes de captation de ce vote ? Ce déclin enfin est–il durable, ses électeurs peuvent-ils lui revenir, quel est le potentiel électoral futur du candidat du FN ? (Premiers paragraphes)
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In: Revue française de science politique, Band 57, Heft 3-4, S. 429-446
ISSN: 0035-2950
In: Nouvelles Fondations: trimestriel, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 42-48
In: Nouvelles Fondations: trimestriel, Heft 2, S. 42-48
ISSN: 1951-9745
In: La revue internationale et stratégique: revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques (IRIS), Band 58, Heft 2, S. 143-150
Résumé À partir de données de sondage, cet article relativise la thèse d'un nouvel antisémitisme fondé sur la diabolisation d'Israël et du sionisme et porté par une extrême gauche radicale et tiers-mondiste. En France, les opinions antisémites déclarées sont plutôt en recul, la réprobation envers les actes antijuifs va croissant, et c'est toujours à l'extrême droite du champ politique que la proportion et la progression des opinions judéophobes sont le plus marquées.
In: Journal für Konflikt- und Gewaltforschung: Journal of conflict and violence research, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 91-104
ISSN: 1438-9444
World Affairs Online
With help of information collected from surveys, this article puts into perspective the theory of a new anti-Semitism, based on the demonisation of Israel and Zionism, conveyed by the far extreme left and the supporters of the Third World. In France, expressed anti- Semite opinions are losing ground while the disapproval of acts against the Jews is growing. It is still in the far extreme right that the number and the progression of anti-Semite opinions are the most important. ; À partir de données de sondage, cet article relativise la thèse d'un nouvel antisémitisme fondé sur la diabolisation d'Israël et du sionisme et porté par une extrême gauche radicale et tiers-mondiste. En France, les opinions antisémites déclarées sont plutôt en recul, la réprobation envers les actes antijuifs va croissant, et c'est toujours à l'extrême droite du champ politique que la proportion et la progression des opinions judéophobes sont le plus marquées.
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The National Front's claim to be populist makes it part of very widespread movement in Europe, which could be characterized by the refusal of mediation, the call to the people against the elite. But mistrust towards a political personnel considered as corrupt is, for example, also widespread in the electorate of extreme left. The voter of the FN is characterized rather by his ethnocentrism, his rejection of the others. And populist is not necessarily synonymous with "popular". The most disadvantaged social category, that of the workmen, is more represented in the electorate of the PC or the Hunters that in the FN, which makes better scores by the craftsmen, the industrialists and the liberal professions. The popular classes are distinguished initially by their abstentionism. The extreme right is thus at the same time less "populist" and less "popular" than it does appear. ; Le Front national, en se revendiquant du populisme, s'inscrit dans une mouvance très répandue en Europe, qui pourrait se caractériser par le refus de la médiation, l'appel au peuple contre les élites. Mais la méfiance envers un personnel politique considéré comme corrompu est, par exemple, aussi fréquente dans l'électorat d'extrême gauche. L'électeur du FN se distingue plutôt par son ethnocentrisme, son rejet des autres. Et populiste n'est pas nécessairement synonyme de « populaire ». La catégorie sociale la plus défavorisée, celle des ouvriers, est plus représentée dans l'électorat du PC ou des Chasseurs que dans celui du FN, qui fait de meilleurs scores chez les artisans, les industriels et les professions libérales. Les milieux populaires se singularisent d'abord par leur abstentionnisme. L'extrême droite est donc à la fois moins «populiste» et moins «populaire» qu'il n'y paraît.
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The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists."
BASE
The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists."
BASE
The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists."
BASE
The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a "new Judeophobia" that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of "Jews," "Israelis," and "Zionists." One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the "altermondialistes," the communists, and the "neo-Trotskyists."
BASE