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We accept the proposition that the worst kind of dependency lies in North-South interaction. But emphasizing this dimension should not go to the extent of ignoring other dimensions. It is simply not true that all forms of international dependency concern interactions between the Northern Hemisphere and the South, or between industrialism and sources of raw materials. There are important forms of dependency among industrialized nations themselves. Increasingly, there are also forms of dependency between one country in the Third World and another; or between one region of the Third World and another. Dependency is a form of political castration. For the purposes of this essay, dependency between one country in the Northern Hemisphere and another or between one industrialized state and another, is categorized as macro-dependency. This involves variations in power within the upper stratum of the world system. Macro-dependency is thus upper-horizontal, involving variations in affluence among the affluent, or degree of might among the mighty. Micro-dependency for our purposes here concerns variations of technical development among the under-developed, or relative influence among the weak, or degrees of power among those that are basically exploited. The dependency of some West African countries upon Nigeria, or of some of the Gulf States upon Iran or Saudi Arabia, are cases of micro-dependency. We shall return to this level more fully later, but let us first begin with the phenomenon of macro-dependency.

This essay argues that the history of the international system has revolved around a moving frontier of cultural exclusivity. Originating under monotheism, the cultural frontier has been characterized by a persistent "us/them" dichotomy. Civilizations which anthropomorphized God in monarchical terms tended to divide the world between the God-fearing and the sinner. This tendency was reinforced by the culture of politics which differentiated supporters from adversaries. Both were embodied in early international law such that a system of rules for civilized nations did not apply to 'them' – the rest of the world, thus opening the door to imperialism and eventual class stratification in the international system. Although the cultural frontier has been moving due to secular challenges, the major challenges to Judaeo-Christian monotheism – Marxism and Islam – are themselves dualistic: the Marxist dialectic is inherently of this nature as is the tension between good and evil in Islam. The interrelationship between major cultural themes in today's world, coupled with a developmental system of stratification which is based on technical know-how, suggests that important but hidden problems of a cultural nature are contained in the world order agenda.

Some years ago, I had occasion to write about what I called "the multiple marginality of the Sudan." I attempted to analyze different levels of Sudan's intermediacy – between Arab Africa and Black Africa, between Islamized Africa and Christianized Africa, between Arabic-speaking Africa and English-speaking Africa, between the Africa of the desert and the Africa of the tropical bush. The continent's largest country in square miles was condemned to multiple layers of marginality and blessed with the mediating opportunities of being herself intermediate.

The politics of stratification are part of the history of interdependence within and between human communities. Primitive or primordial interdependence concerns reciprocal reli ance among kith and kin or within face-to-face societies. Feudo-imperial interdependence includes both feudal relations in single societies and imperial relations between societies. These are based on exploitation and hierarchy. Mature interdependence comes with egalitarianism and a rational division of labor based on equity under modern conditions. While technology helped to demoralize individual Western societies, it also consoli dated Western control of other societies. The internal democratization of the West coin cided with the stratification of the world under Western dominion. How can the Third World escape this dominion? One approach is that of disengage ment ; another is that of counterpenetration. The West's Achilles' heel is its need of energy from the Third World. This need could make the West at least responsive to Third World demands for greater equity. Successful energy conservation in the West would, on the other hand, be detrimental to Third World interests in the short run. The oil-rich Third World countries may have beencast by history as temporary leaders of the oppressed in the global system. Inequality within the Third World could be a neces sary precondition for the liberation of the Third World.

Der Autor gibt im ersten Teil einen historischen Abriß über den Einfluß des Islam und später des Christentums auf die afrikanischen Länder. Er geht davon aus, daß die afrikanische Gedankenwelt von drei Strömungen beherrscht wird: Erstens dem Islam, zweitens dem Christentum und drittens von afrikanischen Traditionen. Der historische Niedergang des Islam und der Aufstieg des Christentums in Afrika hat in den letzten Jahren eine Umkehrung erfahren. Dies hängt zusammen mit der Rolle des Erdöls, sowie der Tatsache, daß die wichtigsten Erdölexportierenden Länder islamisch sind. Die Autoren bezeichnen die OPEc als eine muslimische Organisation. Die internationale Rolle der islamischen Erdölproduzenten wird am Beispiel des Libanon-Konflikts und der Palästinenserfrage erläutert. Welche Rolle die islamischen Staaten für die Entwicklung der übrigen afrikanischen Nationen haben werden, ist ungewiß. Am Beispiel Ugandas zeigt der Autor auf, daß die kritische Position des Christentums in Afrika nicht aus einem religiösen Konflikt zwischen Islam und Christentum entspringt. Vielmehr bildet der religiöse Konflikt nur eine Dimension in den zugrundeliegenden ethnischen oder sozialen Konflikten. (BG)