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This article examines the gendered effects of movement participation on the subsequent lives of activists. We hypothesize that movement participation will have a differential effect on the lives of men and women both because they have different activist experiences by virtue of their gender and because the movements of the New Left questioned the gendered construction of the traditional life course. Using a national random sample, we employ logistic regression and event history models to examine the differences in employment, marriage, and childbirth patterns of men and women who participated in New Left social movements. We hypothesize that New Left activism will have affected the lives of both male and female activists, but that the effect will be stronger for women. The analyses generally confirm this hypothesis. We find significant differences in the influence of social movement participation on the economic, marital, and parenting histories of male and female activists.

This article examines the gendered effects of movement participation on the subsequent lives of activists. We hypothesize that movement participation will have a differential effect on the lives of men & women both because they have different activist experiences by virtue of their gender & because the movements of the New Left questioned the gendered construction of the traditional life course. Using a national random sample, we employ logistic regression & event history models to examine the differences in employment, marriage, & childbirth patterns of men & women who participated in New Left social movements. We hypothesize that New Left activism will have affected the lives of both male & female activists, but that the effect will be stronger for women. The analyses generally confirm this hypothesis. We find significant differences in the influence of social movement participation on the economic, marital, & parenting histories of male & female activists. 6 Tables, 41 References. Adapted from the source document.

Social movements such as environmentalism, feminism, nationalism, and the anti-immigration movement are a prominent feature of the modern world and have attracted increasing attention from scholars in many countries. Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, first published in 1996, brings together a set of essays that focus upon mobilization structures and strategies, political opportunities, and cultural framing and ideologies. The essays are comparative and include studies of the former Soviet Union and eastern Europe, the United States, Italy, the Netherlands, and Germany. Their authors are amongst the leaders in the development of social movement theory and the empirical study of social movements

We argue that the disproportionate attention accorded the struggles of the sixties has created a stylized image of social movements that threatens to distort our understanding of popular contention, not only in earlier periods and in nondemocratic contexts, but also in the contemporary U.S. This stylized view tends to equate movements with (a) disruptive protest in public settings, (b) loosely coordinated national struggles over political issues, (c) urban and/or campus based protest activities, and (d) claim making by disadvantaged minorities. Drawing on a larger study of trends and patterns in collective civic engagement in metropolitan Chicago, we employ new data on some 1,000 protest events between 1970 to 2000 to assess these four stylized views and address a number of related questions. The data do not support the common imagery of social movements—since 1980 there has been a marked transformation of the movement form to the point where public protest is now largely peaceful, routine, suburban, local in nature, and initiated by the advantaged. We discuss the implications of these findings for the rise of a "movement society" in the U.S. and suggest directions for future research.

Using data compiled from a variety of different sources, we seek to answer questions about the emergence and outcomes of women's collective action in the United States between 1956 and 1979. In particular, we examine hypotheses derived from political opportunity and resource mobilization theories about the emergence of women's protest. We also examine the consequence of women's collective action on congressional hearings and House and Senate roll call votes on women's issues. We find support for arguments about the effects of resources on the emergence of protest. We also find mixed support for arguments about the effects of political opportunity on the emergence of protest. Finally, we find little support for arguments about the effects of women's collective action on congressional hearings and House and Senate roll call votes on women's issues.

Using data compiled from a variety of different sources, we seek to answer questions about the emergence and outcomes of women's collective action in the United States between 1956 and 1979. In particular, we examine hypotheses derived from political opportunity and resource mobilization theories about the emergence of women's protest. We also examine the consequence of women's collective action on congressional hearings and House and Senate roll call votes on women's issues. We find support for arguments about the effects of resources on the emergence of protest. We also find mixed support for arguments about the effects of political opportunity on the emergence of protest. Finally, we find little support for arguments about the effects of women's collective action on congressional hearings and House and Senate roll call votes on women's issues. (Mobilization / FUB)

Extant time-series data from a variety of sources are drawn on to examine the emergence & outcomes of women's collective action in the US, 1956-1979, focusing on testing hypotheses derived from political opportunity & resource mobilization theories. The consequence of women's collective action on congressional hearings & House & Senate roll call votes on women's issues is also explored. Analysis yields support for arguments about the effects of resources, & mixed support for arguments about the effects of political opportunity, on the emergence of protest. There is little support for arguments about the effects of women's collective action on congressional hearings & House & Senate roll call votes on women's issues. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 44 References. Adapted from the source document.

Introduces an edited Vol of 15 chapters (14 of which are abstracted) that describes an emerging synthesis in the comparative study of social movements that revolves around political opportunities, mobilizing structures, & framing processes. The intellectual influences from which these three factors have been culled are briefly discussed. The factors are employed to explain the emergence of movements as a reciprocal dynamic between political opportunities & frames, & organization & frames. It is suggested that tracing changes in the three factors over time is an excellent way of assessing movement development & outcomes. Further, these factors offer a powerful method for doing comparative research across movements & countries. The individual contributions are taken to represent a unified approach that promises to considerably advance current understanding of collective action. D. M. Smith

The topics of differential recruitment to activism and its longer-term impacts have generated substantial empirical research. Yet, the lack of longitudinal studies of movement participation have limited our understanding of individual activism's dynamics over time. Here, we use six years of longitudinal survey data and two waves of interview data from a class of college students before, throughout, and after college to examine predictors of variation in college activism, the ebb and flow of activism over the course of college, and the effect of college activism on activism two years post-graduation. Our findings dispute one consistent empirical claim in social movement studies and confirm another. Counter to the scholarly finding on the weak impact of predisposition on recruitment, we find that predisposition powerfully predicts variation in college activism. Consistent with the claim that significant early activism is linked with future activism, we find that students' activism at the end of college significantly predicts their engagement in activism after graduation.

We argue that the disproportionate attention accorded the struggles of the sixties has created a stylized image of social movements that threatens to distort our understanding of popular contention, not only in earlier periods & in nondemocratic contexts, but also in the contemporary US. This stylized view tends to equate movements with (a) disruptive protest in public settings, (b) loosely coordinated national struggles over political issues, (c) urban &/or campus based protest activities, & (d) claim making by disadvantaged minorities. Drawing on a larger study of trends & patterns in collective civic engagement in metropolitan Chicago, we employ new data on some 1,000 protest events between 1970 to 2000 to assess these four stylized views & address a number of related questions. The data do not support the common imagery of social movements-since 1980 there has been a marked transformation of the movement form to the point where public protest is now largely peaceful, routine, suburban, local in nature, & initiated by the advantaged. We discuss the implications of these findings for the rise of a "movement society" in the US. & suggest directions for future research. 7 Tables, 43 References. Adapted from the source document.