Suchergebnisse

Minors performing commercial sex acts are deemed victims of human trafficking according to the Trafficking Victims Protection Act. However, prosecutors and judges continue to charge and adjudicate American minors as prostitution offenders instead of treating them as sexually exploited youths. These victims have typically suffered from sexual abuse, poverty, and other trauma and are especially vulnerable to pimps and traffickers. They suffer from physical and sexual violence, as well as psychological and emotional problems, thus deserving specialized social services in order to recover their lives. In order to stop the perpetuation and revictimization of sexually exploited youth, states should join the movement in passing Safe Harbor laws, modeled on existing New York law. The law presumes that minors charged with prostitution are victims and children in need of social services and allocates discretion in carefully defined circumstances when a judge concludes a minor charged with prostitution is not capable of rehabilitation by services alone.

Several states have passed Safe Harbor legislation which functions to identify minors involved in prostitution as victims of commercial sexual exploitation.
In order to best protect victims of sex trafficking, states should follow the progress made by New York and pass Safe Harbor statutes that will create a presumption of immunity for prostituted minors, thus providing discretion to allocate social services or order a juvenile delinquency petition depending on the circumstances of the case.

In this work, in favor of a historiographical renewal, we propose to reopen the debate around certain elements that problematize the contradictions of ranchers in their dynamics of articulation with other sectors of society and with the State, their difficulties to strengthen their organic insertion in the institutional structures and the centrality of the State as the supreme regulatory arbiter of the exercise of political domination. ; En este trabajo, inscripto en una renovación historiográfica, proponemos reabrir el debate en torno a ciertos elementos que problematizan las contradicciones de los estancieros en su dinámica de articulación con otros sectores de la sociedad y con el Estado, sus dificultades para fortalecer su inserción orgánica en las estructuras institucionales y la centralidad del Estado en tanto árbitro supremo regulador del ejercicio de la dominación política.

This dissertation explores the particularly prominent role of Jews in coercive sex trafficking, then called white slavery in Buenos Aires when it was considered to be the world capital. The project aims to de-exoticize the subject by comparing Jewish pimps and prostitutes to other immigrants, grounding them in the neighborhoods they lived in, exploring the concrete concerns of their opponents, and connecting the broader discourses around these issues to transnational conversations about migration, sexuality, and the significance of race, ethnicity, and nationhood - the establishment of the boundaries of whiteness - in the furor around white slavery. I introduce new evidence about the Zwi Migdal Society (also called the Varsovia Society), a powerful mutual aid and burial association of Jewish pimps based in the Argentine capital. Ostracized by the nascent Argentine Jewish community, the Zwi Migdal Society nonetheless developed the same communal structures as those found in conventional voluntary immigrant associations: a burial society, a synagogue, health benefits, and peer recognition. My archival discoveries underline the significance of this battle to the local Jewish community's centralization and the shifting international articulation of norms around morality, marriage, family, and labor, and develop a history that opens into larger issues of migration, identity, women's agency and transatlantic politics. Based on archival research in Buenos Aires, Geneva, New York, London, and Southampton, this project builds upon previous scholarship through new archival discoveries and close analysis of local and international press.

This article offers an overview of Francoist repression in the Catalan Countries from the outbreak of the Civil War to the first decade after the establishment of the dictatorship. It covers both physical violence and measures such as economic repression, imprisonment, professional purges and the social and moral control to which the population as a whole was subjected. First the type of violence and domination exercised by the insurgents in the territories occupied is briefly examined. Then the author offers an account of the events: she commences in the summer of 1936 in Majorca, the only Catalan-speaking territory to remain in rebel hands, then proceeds to the Lleida region, which was occupied in the spring of 1938, and concludes with the final offensive against Catalonia and Valencia, launched in the winter of that same year. Special stress is laid on the repercussions of the 1939 Law of Political Responsibilities and the meaning attached by the occupiers to the pacification and reconstruction of the conquered territories.

Der Autor zeigt vor dem Hintergrund der gegenwärtigen politischen Entwicklungen in Afghanistan und im Irak, wie komplex und problembeladen die Konsolidierung des Friedens in Nachkriegsgesellschaften bei ihrer politisch-praktischen Umsetzung ist. Diese wird seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre als eine "Zauberformel" zur Lösung aller mit der Kriegsbeendigung zusammenhängenden Probleme und Defizite in den betroffenen Staaten und Regionen sowie als bewährtes Mittel zur Wahrung der internationalen Sicherheit angesehen. Dabei wird nach Meinung des Autors jedoch oft übersehen, wie schwierig der Weg zum Frieden vor allem dort ist, wo es nicht allein um die Rekonstruktion von Staatlichkeit oder die Schaffung einer gerechteren und partizipativen Gesellschaftsstruktur geht, sondern wo das Ende des Krieges auch den Beginn einer neuen Phase der Nationenbildung markiert. Der Autor skizziert in seinem Beitrag die Zielkonflikte und Interdependenzen bei den Entwicklungen vom Krisenmanagement zur Friedenskonsolidierung in Nachkriegsländern. (ICI2)

This article explores three interrelated themes in the history of British colonialism in nineteenth-century India by examining colonial language policy. These themes are: the tensions between imperial and provincial imperatives of colonial rule; the relationship between language and colonial governance; and the limits of colonial power. I argue in particular that the transformation in colonial language policy in the 1830s, from using Persian to using regional vernacular languages in provincial administration, was grounded in an ideology of efficient, just and legitimate rule. This shift to regional vernacular languages was implemented in all Company territories, and became a principle of the Company's rule in India. However, when the Punjab was annexed to the Company in 1849, the regional vernacular (Punjabi) was not adopted as the official language of provincial government. This article examines why language policy in the Punjab was different, arguing that the local contingencies of rule in the region trumped imperial ideology, and then examines the implications of language policy in colonial Punjab. Language policy had a profound impact on indigenous literary practices in colonial Punjab, yet this impact was in no way absolute. In marking out the arenas where colonial language policy reached its limits, this article also considers the limits of colonial power.

In the Time of Trees and Sorrows is an engaging and elegant exploration of the history of the former kingdom of Sawar, an area of twenty-seven villages in Rajasthan. The authors focus on the period from the 1930s to the 1950s, an era of dramatic changes in Sawar's (and India's) political and ecological landscape. Drawing on interviews with subjects of the former kingdom, mostly non-literate farmers, herders, and laborers, the authors provide a textured account of the pre-independence period (pre-1947) marked by what they term the "double oppression under colonial and regional rulers," and a landscape rich with trees and wildlife, albeit resources to which the king's subjects were mostly denied access (p. 1). This period is contrasted with the post-independence period, during which India's princely kingdoms were absorbed in the Indian Republic, and the subjects of Sawar experienced "the sudden and radical transformation to democracy and modernity" (1). This latter period also witnessed, as the authors draw attention to from the outset, the complete devastation of Sawar's landscape which "transformed from one of rich biodiversity of trees and growth to one where hillsides have been stripped of indigenous growth and are now dominated by a single alien species" (3). In bringing political and ecological history into the same frame, Gold and Gujar explore a compelling paradox of the area's postcolonial history: as the residents of Sawar gained political rights, their environment was transformed and, in many ways, devastated.

Mir reviews WILL SECULAR INDIA SURVIVE? edited by Mushirul Hasan.