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An abundant empirical literature on corruption relying on survey research has emerged since the mid‐1990s. The predominant line of inquiry concerns perceptions of corruption with respect to institutions and processes. Another, separate line of inquiry that has enjoyed less attention concerns reports about individuals' participation in corruption. These two dimensions of corruption, however, are typically conflated, leading to error and confusion. This article explores the relationship between the two and seeks to differentiate the two. Using data at the country and individual levels, analysis shows how the two may be only weakly related to one another – though causality remains unclear – and respond to distinct sets of determinants and generate distinct outcomes. The analysis underlines the need to specify the findings in the literature: that the causes and consequences of corruption relate more to 'perceived' corruption rather than actual corruption.

Citing North Korea's nuclear ambitions as the most serious security threat facing the US, & in light of the unlikely prospect of North Korea allowing snap inspections, it is argued that regime change is necessary. The North Korean regime is too impenetrable to allow for any policy of verification agreements as it is a radical totalitarian tyranny. In this light, the nature of the nuclear threat, particularly the possibility of a nuclear weapons transfer to Al-Qaeda, is considered. It is maintained that US foreign policy is checked & North Korean nuclear adventurism is encouraged by South Korea's attitude. The shift in South Korean political culture is examined, seeing the rise in anti-Americanism as rooted in a generation gap, with the younger generation having grown up with deep suspicions of US involvement in the peninsula. Emerging from this is the South Korean "sunshine policy," which is subject to critique. Attention turns to realistic scenarios of North Korean regime change involving Chinese pressure or North Korean invasion of the south. J. Zendejas

Abstract
The electronic mail game of Rubinstein (1989) showed that a lack of common knowledge generated by faulty communication can make coordinated action impossible. This paper shows how this conclusion is robust to having a more realistic timing structure of messages, more than two players who meet publicly but not as a plenary group, and may be robust to strategic decisions about whether to communicate.

With the NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement); the
EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional),
and political crisis/reform all
posing questions both old and new about Mexican nationalism, this article
reconsiders the dimensions of the subject, the issues, and the empirical evidence.
After setting out an analytical and theoretical framework for the study of
nationalism, it concentrates on the many components of Mexican nationalism, the
historic and on-going nationalist debates over the Indian, the American and the
state, and the nature of nationalist policies over the years. It then reviews
research related to such theoretical issues as the linkages between nationalist
sentiments, ideas and policies, the social bases of nationalist ideas and perceptions,
and the changes in nationalism. The article aims to place longstanding discussions
of Mexican nationalism in a theoretical context and to derive conclusions which
indicate appropriate directions for future research.